Originally published on Global Voices

Nyibol Mathiang Deng, 27, and her child receive energy biscuits from aid workers after arriving at the South Sudan border point in Majok Yinthiou. Photo by Peter Caton from Action Against Hunger, used with permission.

By Dr. Charles E. Owubah

Nyibol Mathiang Deng was six months pregnant when armed men stormed Muglad, the Sudanese village where she lived. Fearing the rest of her family was dead, she hid with her daughter. Soon, they set off on a challenging four-day journey by car, motorcycle, and foot, braving dangerous terrain and enduring blistering heat. When they finally arrived in Majok, South Sudan, they were relieved to be reunited with the rest of their family. But they were confronted by an uncertain future.

Nyibol is not alone in her plight. In fact, she is part of a much broader pattern — one that is having far-reaching ripples across the African continent.

Africa’s revolving door

Driven by conflict, climate change, and poverty, millions across central Africa are trapped in an escalating cycle of displacement. For example, Global Voices reports that drought in Somalia is pushing thousands of climate refugees into Kenya's Dadaab Refugee Camp. Whether through forced displacement or voluntary migration, people are crossing borders in search of safety and opportunity, only to find conditions as dire — or even worse — than those they fled. The region is increasingly becoming a revolving door of migration and adversity.

To vastly simplify a complex situation, consider that over several years, more than 100,000 people are estimated to have left Chad for Sudan. Many struggled to find employment. Then, armed conflict in Sudan caused an escalating humanitarian crisis and what may be the worst hunger emergency in the world. While humanitarian organizations are trying to alleviate suffering, resources are spread too thin. So, perhaps it’s not a surprise that since the start of the current conflict in April 2023, more than 821,300 people from Sudan have sought refuge in South Sudan. 

However, South Sudan has challenges of its own, including conflict, severe flooding and food insecurity which displaced millions. By the end of 2023, conditions in South Sudan left about 2 million people internally displaced and a further 2.3 million refugees in neighboring countries.  Some who left South Sudan headed to the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC).

Yet, in the DRC, clashes between military forces and insurgents are driving insecurity, hunger and a mental health crisis. As a result, tens of thousands of people have left the DRC for other places, including the Central African Republic. Unfortunately, similar shocks in the Central African Republic have displaced millions, with many lacking access to basic necessities like food, water and shelter. As a result, many have left the Central African Republic for Chad. And the cycle continues.

A complex web of displacement

To be clear, the revolving door is not a singular loop. It is a complex web of multi-directional movement. Not all migration flows are of comparable size or occurring at the same time. For example, the flow of migrants from Chad to Sudan has largely reversed as the conflict in Sudan has escalated into a humanitarian disaster. Today, Chad hosts an estimated one million refugees from Sudan — roughly equal to one in 17 people in the country.

Repatriation also plays a role. For example, during the war in South Sudan, many families moved to Sudan, which was comparatively stable with some economic opportunities, mostly in agriculture and manual labor. Then, when conflict broke out in Sudan, close to 600,000 South Sudanese returned to their home country. This included children who had never known South Sudan and often lacked the local family ties to protect and sustain them.

These returnees, together with Sudanese refugees, are straining already stretched basic services with the potential to lead to further conflict. The response from the global community has been woefully inadequate. The magnitude of this crisis is alarming: it impacts an estimated 45 million people and has grown by 14 percent.

Even as thousands leave any given country, thousands more may be pouring in. Even more are internally displaced, within their own borders but unable to return home. Some people move repeatedly, whether internally displaced within borders or crossing borders as migrants or refugees. The lines can be blurred.

One cycle drives another

This revolving door of displacement is driven by other interrelated cycles. The climate crisis is a hunger crisis.  In the Horn of Africa alone, over 36 million people have been affected by droughts which have decreased crop yields and caused food shortages. As climate change worsens, so does conflict — which only worsens this situation. As noted in the UN Security Council Resolution 2417, too often, hunger is used as a weapon of war. Despite the UN Resolution, we are seeing a vicious cycle where conflict drives hunger, and hunger drives conflict.

This endless cycle points to deeper systemic failures that leave the world’s most marginalized people even more vulnerable.

Opening the door to opportunity

Research consistently shows that newcomers, including immigrants and refugees, can benefit their host communities, including potential economic gains in low- and middle-income countries. However, if immigration isn’t well managed, it can strain local resources in the short term. Fortunately, there are effective models to address these challenges, and Uganda stands out as a potential example for the world.

Uganda hosts approximately 1.7 million refugees from more than ten countries. Their comprehensive framework, The Uganda Country Refugee Response Plan (UCRRP), focuses on strengthening access to public services, enhancing self-reliance and promoting co-existence with the host community. This framework also calls for increased support from development actors to bolster government systems. Nonprofit organizations like Action Against Hunger also play an important role. Action Against Hunger has helped countless families seeking refuge in Uganda, for example, to establish roots in their new communities. This can involve providing agricultural training for families to cultivate their own food, job training and internships for young people, and financial literacy workshops, among other programs. Yet, resources are limited. 

The global community urgently needs to increase funding for humanitarian relief and also invest in proven programs, such as climate-smart agriculture, that can prevent displacement. Yet, in 2023, countries dealing with crisis levels of hunger — or worse — only received 35 percent of their requested funding for hunger-related programs. In other words, the hunger funding gap hovers around 65 percent. This situation should concern anyone who wants to live in a peaceful and equitable world.

Nyibol Mathiang Deng, 27, and her child receive energy biscuits from an aid worker after arriving at the South Sudan border point in Majok Yinthiou. Photo by Peter Caton from Action Against Hunger, used with permission.

Fortunately, Nyibol's journey has led her to a place where she can start over. She and her family have relocated to Kuajok, South Sudan, with the help of aid organizations, and she hopes to get back to farming there as soon as the rains return. Despite the challenges she is having in reconstructing her life, Nyibol remains determined and courageous. Yet, without systemic change and sufficient funding, millions of people like Nyibol will remain trapped in a revolving door of displacement. 

Written by Guest Contributor

Originally published on Global Voices

A flying drone. Uploaded by Ryan Beirne on Pexels. Free to use.

This report was written by Hans Tse and published in Hong Kong Free Press on December 12, 2024. The following edited version is published as part of a content partnership agreement.

Hong Kong police are considering using drones for routine patrols and analysing their images with artificial intelligence, the city’s security chief has said. This is in addition to broader government plans to ease restrictions on aerial vehicles.

Secretary for Security Chris Tang said on December 11 that the plan to allow drones to patrol designated routes had been discussed as authorities are set to relax a rule banning “beyond-line-of-sight flying activities” under the city’s Small Unmanned Aircraft Order.

Currently, a drone operator must be able to see the drone at all times during a flight. Tang told the lawmakers:

To further enhance the regulation of the application of drones, the Transport and Logistics Bureau and the [Civil Aviation Department] have commenced reviewing the existing civil aviation… legislation.

He said drones had already been used for crime detection and investigation, beat patrolling, rescue operations and firefighting.

Drones equipped with high-resolution cameras had been deployed to “crime black spots,” such as those in remote locations or in difficult terrain, to collect evidence and detect suspicious activities.

They had assisted firefighting by monitoring temperature changes from above and helped the search for missing persons in rugged terrain, he added.

Tang said the disciplined services had about 800 advanced drone operators qualified with the Civil Aviation Department (CAD). Police established a drone cadre in October, and the Fire Services Department established a dedicated drone team as early as 2017.

Advanced drone operators can fly an aircraft weighing seven to 25 kilograms, the current weight limit in Hong Kong.

Authorities will study regulations and standards in other regions, such as mainland China, Australia and Canada, Tang said, while the CAD will begin to relax existing restrictions.

The Small Unmanned Aircraft Order will be amended to cover drones weighing between 25 to 150 kilograms, he said, adding the government is considering new legislation for drones weighing above 150 kg.

‘Low-altitude economy’

During the legislative meeting on Wednesday, December 11, lawmaker Tang Fei asked Tang to explain how authorities could avoid technical glitches that had hit the city’s tourist attraction drone shows in recent months. In October, one such show was cancelled due to “significant ionospheric interference”, a meteorological phenomenon that can affect the accuracy of drone signals.

Tang said the deployment of drones by disciplined services often involved just a few machines that were operated manually, unlike large-scale shows that relied on precise coordination.

The security chief said authorities would ensure that drone operations complied with the city’s privacy regulations.

Hong Kong is promoting the use of drones in what authorities call a “low-altitude economy,” a term that refers to economic activities in airspace below 1,000 metres.

Chief Executive John Lee has announced that the government will set up a working group on developing the low-altitude economy.

It is expected to study and amend drone regulations, as well as establish joint low-altitude air routes with mainland China, where drones are much used in areas such as entertainment and deliveries.

Written by Hong Kong Free Press

Originally published on Global Voices

Poster of ‘I'm Still Here’. Image by Alile Dara Onawale/Videofilmes.

If you've seen anything about ”I'm Still Here” (“Ainda Estou Aqui”), the Brazilian film about a forced disappearance during the military dictatorship (1964–1985), you would have come across the photo above.

A screenshot from the film and the image of its official poster shows Rubens Paiva with two of his five children and his wife, Maria Eunice, on a beach in Rio de Janeiro. While Paiva and the children smile, facing the camera, Eunice looks in a different direction and frowns. Army trucks are passing by the street nearby, and their lives are about to be forever changed.

Paiva is one of the 434 dead and disappeared people in Brazil, according to the National Truth Commission. In January 1971, security forces took Paiva from his home to be interrogated by the police and drove him in his own car. He never came back, and his body was never found.

The film, directed by Walter Salles, is based on a book with the same title written by Rubens Paiva's son, Marcelo Rubens Paiva, and recounts his family's everyday life in the 1970s and how they faced the days following his father's absence, setting a special focus on his mother, Eunice. His parents are played by actors Selton Mello and Fernanda Torres.

It tells a story of the present past, in the same year as the 60th anniversary of the coup d'état that started the dictatorship, and while national headlines report about a military plot to attempt a new coup that would impede Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva‘s inauguration after the 2022 elections.

The movie passed 2 million viewers in Brazil alone, more than the national audience for blockbusters such as Wicked, and is Brazil's submission for the Oscars.

A true story

Rubens Paiva's abduction is an emblematic case from one of the harshest eras for human rights violations in Brazil. According to his son, Marcelo, the National Truth Commission (CNV) installed during the government of Dilma Rousseff — herself a former political prisoner and guerrilla fighter — gave him important elements for his book.

About two years prior to Paiva's forced disappearance, the regime issued the act that would toughen the repression in December 1968: the Institutional Act Number Five, AI-5. The suspension of civil rights was expanded, and ”it enabled institutionalization of arbitrary detention, torture, and extrajudicial killing by the regime,” as summarized on Wikipedia.

When the coup d'état overthrew João Goulart's government, Paiva was one of the Congressmen who had their mandates revoked. An engineer and father of five children, he had been elected by the state of São Paulo two years before with Goulart's party. On April 1, 1964, with the coup underway, he spoke at the National Radio, defending the president and calling São Paulo's government ”fascist” for supporting the coup.

Paiva went to exile but returned to Brazil a while later and carried on with his life alongside his family.

On January 20, 1971, at 41 years old, he was taken from his home, in front of his wife and children, to be interrogated — never to return. Eunice and their 15-year-old daughter were also taken right after, but they didn't see him at the army facility where they were held. ”I'm Still Here” focuses on how his wife coped with this moment and his brutal and sudden disappearance, without telling much about his fate, in the same way Eunice couldn't get any answers for decades about what happened to her husband.

Past uncovered 

More details were revealed years later through hearings at the Truth Commissions, which began in 2012. São Paulo's state commission was even named after Paiva.

In 1986, Cecilia de Barros Viveiros de Castro, a woman who was detained at the Galeão Airport after visiting her son in Chile, told the police she recognized Paiva in a car when she was being taken to be interrogated. Letters from people exiled there were found with her and another woman, one of them addressed to Paiva.

Six months after Paiva was taken, in June 1971, the military regime issued a document that was read by a Congressman at the National Congress, claiming they were driving Paiva to a location to identify the house of the person responsible for bringing the letters, but the car was intercepted, a shooting took place, and he fled with a group.

As the National Truth Commission's report stresses, this version of the story and the denial of knowing his whereabouts were repeated by the military over the years despite contradictions.

Official records and testimonies given to the Truth Commissions made it collapse. Coronel Ronald Leão told CNV that Paiva arrived at the 1st Army DOI (Department of Information), and he was then interrogated and tortured. An eyewitness said the commander responsible for the place was made aware Paiva wouldn't survive the torture sessions.

Former Colonel Paulo Malhães, also in a deposition to the CNV, said those who died at the hands of the repression were usually not buried to avoid leaving any trace. He went on to describe their methods to hide the corpses: they would erase the features of victims, remove teeth and fingerprints, and cut their stomachs to avoid gas so the bodies wouldn't float on the water after being thrown at rivers or the sea.

About Paiva, Malhães said he did receive the mission to hide the body but couldn't conclude it because of other tasks. After Malhães’ assassination in 2014, his widow came clean, saying he told her Paiva was thrown into a river.

The same year, 43 years after Paiva's abduction, five military officers were accused by the Federal Public Prosecution of killing and concealing his corpse. The case stalled at the Supreme Court, with three of the accused men dying since then without ever being judged.

Past present

At the same time that Rubens Paiva's story fills movie theaters with Brazilians learning more about the state terrorism that shattered lives and families, news about another coup attempt, also involving military officers, made the past even more present.

On November 21, the Federal Police indicted former president Jair Bolsonaro and 36 other people for attempting a coup that would have ruptured the rule of law to keep him in power after Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva's election win in 2022. Among the accused, 25 are military or former military, including Bolsonaro himself.

According to the investigation's 884-page report that was released to the public, the former president led the criminal organization that plotted the coup d'état. The document says, as reported by AP:

The evidence collected throughout the investigation shows unequivocally that then-President Jair Messias Bolsonaro planned, acted and was directly and effectively aware of the actions of the criminal organization aiming to launch a coup d’etat and eliminate the democratic rule of law, which did not take place due to reasons unrelated to his desire.

The case will continue its legal process with the federal prosecution.

In 2014, a statue honoring Paiva's memory was placed at the National Congress. Bolsonaro, a congressman at the time who grew up in the same region where the Paiva family had a farm, showed up at the ceremony and spat on it in front of Paiva's family members.

In an interview while promoting the film, director Walter Salles said:

You know, when we started this, we thought that we were making a film to somehow reflect a bit of our past that hadn't been captured by the camera. And then we realized that it is also about our present, and may be also about our future.

#ImStillHere is about more than just the past. Walter Salles reflects on what it can mean to audiences today. pic.twitter.com/z2gQdCFmRa

— Sony Pictures Classics (@sonyclassics) November 30, 2024

Written by Fernanda Canofre

Originally published on Global Voices

Illustration from CONNECTAS, used with permission.

This article by Bolivian journalist Fabiola Chambi was originally published in CONNECTAS. A translated and edited version is published on Global Voices under a media partnership agreement.

Paula Landeros, a Chilean, comes from a large family. Her mother has four siblings, and her father has six. There was always a lot of noise in her home, but she is aware that this will change in the future, as she decided not to have children: “It was never an option in my life,” she says with conviction at the age of 42. She doesn't remember playing with dolls, but she did hear frequently, in her Catholic school, that women were destined to procreate. So, she wondered how life would be when she grow up if she didn't want to be a mother.

Paula's decision seems like a global trend that was unthinkable just decades ago when the negative effects of overpopulation were all over the news. English economist and clergyman Thomas Malthus published “Essay on the Principle of Population” in 1798, which became were very popular. The Malthusian theory held that natural resources would decrease while the population would continue to increase wantonly, which would cause poverty, conflicts, and, consequently, the extinction of the human race by 1880.

Today's data raises other questions. According to the World Bank, the current fertility rate at a global level is 2.2 children per woman, and in the 1960s it was 5.3. These figures are better understood if we consider that the generally accepted replacement rate is 2.1 (the number of children to maintain a stable population over time). Nowadays, many women are having fewer babies or simply no babies at all. The large families of yesteryear have been reduced, and even so-called “single-person households” are becoming popular.

According to the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), Chile, Uruguay, Costa Rica, and Cuba have the lowest fertility rates in Latin America, with an average of 1.5 children per woman. Brazil and Colombia follow with 1.6 and 1.7, respectively. It is estimated that two-thirds of the population reside in regions where fertility does not reach the replacement rate and an increasing number of countries are experiencing a declining birth rate.

This is a complex phenomenon. Martina Yopo Díaz, a PhD in sociology from the University of Cambridge and researcher at the Catholic University of Chile, explains that this transformation has to do with a “greater prevalence and legitimacy in the use of contraceptives and reproductive autonomy. These changes allow, in some way, that women today can have greater decision-making power about being mothers and when to have children.”

Todas las mujeres tienen derecho a una atención en salud sexual y reproductiva integral y de calidad, libre de prejuicios y culturalmente pertinente

Conoce más: https://t.co/YFh2ypDEXR

Derribemos las barreras que niegan a niñas, adolescentes y mujeres ejercer sus derechos. pic.twitter.com/UnLHhdrK2h

— UNFPA Perú (@UNFPAPeru) October 24, 2024

All women have the right to comprehensive, quality sexual and reproductive health care that is free from prejudices and culturally relevant.

Learn more: https://t.co/YFh2ypDEXR

Let's break down the barriers that deny girls, adolescents, and women from exercising their rights. pic.twitter.com/UnLHhdrK2h

UNFPA Peru (@UNFPAPeru) October 24, 2024

Yopo Díaz also says that the progressive incorporation of women into the labor market and into higher education is one of the main causes.

Están participando de manera mucho más activa en esas dos esferas de la sociedad y eso hace que muchas veces posterguen la maternidad o decidan tener menos hijos a lo largo de su ciclo de vida. Y a este descenso se suma una falta de condiciones sociales.

They are participating much more actively in those two spheres of society, and this often leads them to postpone motherhood or decide to have fewer children during their life cycle. And this decline is compounded by a lack of social support.

This is the case of Vanessa Sanjinés, a successful consultant who works in strategic communication. She has been married for 10 years, has no children and no plans to have them. She says that she made the decision as a couple, but she has had a lot of pressure.

Decidí no ser mamá a pesar de que la gente siempre me dice que voy a cambiar de opinión, que soy joven todavía, que mi cuerpo lo va a pedir en algún momento. Yo estoy segura porque estoy más enfocada en mi carrera profesional y en cumplir mis sueños y eso no va a cambiar. Pero sí creo que la sociedad debería cambiar en sus cuestionamientos.

I decided not to be a mom even though people always tell me that I will change my mind, that I am still young, and that my body will ask for it at some point. I am confident [in my decision] because I am more focused on my professional career and on fulfilling my dreams, and that is not going to change. But I do believe that society should change in its questioning.

The new social and economic dynamics

A 2024 report from Chile's National Statistics Institute (INE) reports a 20 percent drop in the birth rate compared to the same period of the previous year. The figures worry some experts in Chile who are analyzing how to reverse the phenomenon, and that has to go beyond the application of public policies.

In fact, the 2023 UNFPA State of Population Report refers to this “demographic anxiety” and indicates that government initiatives that seek to increase fertility rates “almost never have an effect and can violate women's rights.”

Yopo Díaz explains:

Chile es el caso más extremo, pero al final la fecundidad está disminuyendo en todos los países latinoamericanos; entonces nos pone un desafío como sociedad. Quiere decir que nuestro sistema no puede seguir funcionando como hasta ahora. Pero promover la natalidad nunca puede ir sobre el respeto a la autonomía reproductiva y a los derechos humanos (…) Las políticas públicas tienen que ir orientadas a generar las condiciones sociales para que quienes quieran tener hijos puedan hacerlo.

Chile is the most extreme case, but in the end, fertility is decreasing in all Latin American countries; therefore, it challenges us as a society. It means that our system cannot continue to function as it has until now. But promoting the birth rate can never infringe upon respecting reproductive autonomy and human rights (…) Public policies must be oriented towards generating the social conditions for those who want to have children to be able to do so.

The Chilean researcher considers that, according to international evidence, some concrete policies could be implemented, such as free early childhood nurseries, available to both fathers and mothers. Some countries in Asia and Europe provide indirect economic incentives, for example, lower taxes or higher wages, to effectively improve access to basic services, health, education, and housing. These initiatives have been effective in many contexts.

Por qué Chile tiene una baja natalidad y cómo se compara con el resto de Latinoamérica https://t.co/a9TRUqIlnB

— BioBioChile (@biobio) October 26, 2024 

Why Chile has a low birth rate and how it compares with the rest of Latin America https://t.co/a9TRUqIlnB

- BioBioChile (@biobiobio) October 26, 2024

Other contexts are truly challenging, such as in South Korea, where the birth rate is a national priority. In 2023, South Korea recorded 19,200 fewer births than in 2022, and the average number of children per woman fell to 0.72. People there seem determined to follow that trend. One manifestation is the Dinks (Dual Income No Kids) trend, a term used to refer to a couple or marriage with a stable income, without children and without future birth plans.

The birth rate is related to the countries’ economic dynamics, and this is precisely where the concern of some governments lies. In the report “The Demographic Observatory 2023,” the UN Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) found that in Latin America and the Caribbean, with the ever-decreasing population growth rate, the subcontinent will have 737 million inhabitants in 2050, with a labor force of 402.7 million, that is, 54.6 percent of the total population, a worrying number.

In this sense, reconfiguring the global economy is one of our most urgent challenges. According to a study published in The Lancet, “By 2100, more than 97 percent of countries—198 out of 204—will have fertility rates below what is necessary to sustain population size over time.”

Dramatic declines in global fertility rates set to transform global population patterns by 2100, new GBD Capstone study suggests.

Explore the data https://t.co/Mvc1PyR4F4 pic.twitter.com/xdpSjVLrQJ

— The Lancet (@TheLancet) March 20, 2024

Is the low birth rate a real problem?

For Carmen Ledo, a researcher and expert in urban planning, the birth rate in Latin America is an “extremely heterogeneous” reality. According to her, a deeper reading is needed that takes into account rural areas, less urbanized areas, or even peri-urban spaces, where the birth rate is still high. This is unlike the larger cities, where there is greater segregation and problems, which has had a significant impact on the decline.

Ledo explains:

Si bien es un hecho social y está determinado por el comportamiento reproductivo, tiene que ver con los riesgos de que no haya reemplazos. Eso significa que la tasa bruta de reproducción sea menor a uno o que por cada mujer en edad fértil que sale de la vida reproductiva no entre otra mujer. Las posibilidades de extinguirnos o no en el tiempo están relacionadas con la calidad de vida.

Although it is a social fact and is determined by reproductive behavior, it has to do with the risks of the lack of replacements. This means that the gross reproduction rate is less than one, or that for every woman of childbearing age who leaves reproductive life, no other woman enters. Quality of life determines whether or not we are likely to become extinct over time.

Yopo agrees with this point and emphasizes women's barriers to decision-making:

La transición a la maternidad sigue teniendo mucho costo porque evidencia fuertes desigualdades de género y hoy las mujeres están menos dispuestas a formar familia en condiciones que les parecen asimétricas. Hoy se exige mucho más y también surgen preguntas: ¿Seré una buena madre? ¿Estoy en las condiciones de tener hijos?.

The transition to motherhood continues to be very costly because it shows strong gender inequalities, and today women are less willing to start a family in conditions that seem asymmetrical to them. Today, we demand much more of mothers, and other questions also surface: Will I be a good mother? Am I in a position to have children?

Inés, for example, has spent her life questioning many things, and although she has not yet been able to become a mother, she is not giving up that dream.

Mi ilusión es ser mamá, tengo 41 años y aunque lo pienso desde hace mucho, antes priorizaba mis objetivos personales y buscar mi independencia. Siento que la situación cada día es más difícil, en cuanto a lo económico y emocional, y eso realmente me hace pensar si voy a ser capaz de cuidar de otra vida más. Pero quiero experimentar todo ese proceso de tener un bebé.

My dream is to be a mom, I am 41 years old, and although I thought about it for a long time, before I prioritized my personal goals, and seeking my independence. I feel that the situation is more difficult every day economically and emotionally, and that really makes me wonder if I will be able to take care of another life. But I want to experience the whole process of having a baby.

On the other hand, what is also blocking population growth are generational concerns and the particular way in which young people conceive the world, with strong fears of the future, especially about climate change, which leads them, in many cases, to feel more attached to pets and less interested in bringing children into a convulsed environment.

#Mascotas

El 55% considera normal preferir mascotas que tener hijos según estudio

Más detalles https://t.co/yLbN7my7zY

— 24 Horas (@24HorasTVN) October 2, 2024

#Pets.

55% consider it normal to prefer pets to having children, according to study

More details https://t.co/yLbN7my7zY

- 24 Horas (@24HorasTVN) October 2, 2024

Ledo adds:

Written by Connectas Translated by Dalia Tarek · View original post [es]

Originally published on Global Voices

Mother Nature members (left to right) Long Kunthea, Ly Chandaravuth, Yim Leanghy, Thun Ratha, and Phuon Keoraksmey, leaving the Phnom Penh Capital Court after their fourth trial hearing on June 17, 2024. Photo from Licadho, CC BY-NC 4.0

Ten members of the Cambodian environmentalist group Mother Nature were sentenced to six to eight years in prison for supposedly plotting against the government and insulting the King, but this has only emboldened the youth activists to reaffirm their commitment to fight for environmental justice.

Mother Nature is led by young Cambodians opposing mega-development projects that threaten to displace villagers and destroy the surrounding environment. Some of their campaigns include a video project raising awareness about river water pollution as a result of inadequate waste removal from factories, protests against illegal sand smuggling, and their documentation of sewage pollution near the royal palace.

The activists were previously arrested in 2020 because of their activism and were held in prison for 14 months. The July sentence is related to peaceful protests conducted in 2020 and 2021, as well as reports critical of the government.

Following the sentence, the activists were immediately violently detained and sent to prison, despite outcry outside the courtroom from community members and human rights activists.

This case reflects an alarming pattern of state-backed repression targeting environmental defenders in Cambodia. Between April 2019 and July 2023, the Cambodian Center for Human Rights documented the arrest of 195 individuals, 22 of whom were convicted under various criminal charges, in connection with their land rights activism.

Anticipating the court verdict and their detention, several members were able to write and film messages addressed to the public. Ly Chandaravuth urged Cambodians to overcome fear and oppose the wanton destruction of the environment.

I don't ask the Cambodian people to demand my freedom from the courts, but to free yourselves from the fear that holds you back. This struggle is hard, and if we fall, the suffering will reach our children and grandchildren.

Thun Ratha said he will remain strong despite their incarceration.

If people see this video, it means I am now in prison.

What I want to do most is protect natural resources which belong to the Cambodian people. I have been suffering due to the actions of those who are making use of and benefitting from natural resources with no regard for environmental and social impacts.

I will maintain the strength that I brought here through the immense love of those who support us.

We are sure that what we have done is for the benefit of justice and everyone.

Even though five of the group's members are facing imprisonment, Mother Nature members have continued to advocate for the environment and raise public awareness about the grave impact of some of the government's large-scale projects.

When we advocate for the protection of natural resources, we often face accusations of being anti-development. But should we sacrifice these vital resources in the name of progress? Is development justified if it leads to excessive depletion of our natural heritage? Our five friends have been arrested for standing up against destructive practices masquerading as development.

Mother Nature members have continued to organize campaigns and distributed leaflets and posters aimed at gathering support for the urgent release of their imprisoned fellow activists.

Mother Nature members have a message to Cambodian authorities: “Free our friends”. Photo from the Mother Nature Cambodia Facebook page. Used with permission.

In an online interview with Global Voices, a member of Mother Nature shared how the group has changed their strategy and protocols since its members were slapped with criminal charges.

The arrest has (forced) us to quickly relocate from place to place for our safety because we didn’t want to lose our core members anymore.

And yet we have to reset, refocus on the mission no matter how tough it is. We made our choice to work continuously after the arrest of our friends. We keep our wills of environmental protection ahead of everything.

They reiterated their pledge to continue fighting for a cleaner future.

The more they arrest our members, the more defenders are coming up. We will be always here fighting for environmental justice.

It’s our duty to accomplish our aspiration to live together with nature peacefully. We can’t live without it, can’t live our happy lives without nature. That’s why we are demanding power to the people not the regime.

Indeed, Mother Nature has continued to campaign against illegal logging, sand dredging, and the building of mega dams. They posted this message on X (Twitter) five months after their members were convicted by a local court.

It has been five months since the Cambodian courts arrested and imprisoned activists from the Mother Nature movement under anarchy. After five months of brutal arrests, have the environment and natural resources been better protected, or are they worsening and facing increasing… pic.twitter.com/81HRxkr63d

— Mother Nature Cambodia (@CambodiaMother) December 2, 2024

The persecution of Mother Nature members has been condemned by local and global civil society groups. Several human rights groups, such as Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and Licadho, the Cambodian League for the Promotion and Defense of Human Rights, have also called for their release.

At the time of writing this piece, more than 104,000 people have signed an online petition demanding the release of the youth activists.

Meanwhile, the Permanent Mission of Cambodia to the United Nations has called members of Mother Nature “self-proclaimed environmental activists” and insisted that the “defendants had full opportunity to be heard, including the right to counsel, and to disprove the charges as part of the right to a fair trial and due process.”

Written by Mong Palatino

Originally published on Global Voices

Delegates at the sub-regional conference on whistleblowing and whistleblower protection in West Africa. Photo by me. Used with permission.

On November 26 and 27, the first-ever conference on whistleblowing and whistleblower protection in West Africa was held in Abuja, Nigeria, under the theme “Reducing corruption in West Africa: The importance of whistleblowing and whistleblower legislation.” The conference, which was organized by the African Center for Media and Information Literacy (AFRICMIL), brought together delegates from the Network of Anti-Corruption Institutions in West Africa (NACIWA), key civil society actors, media, security, law enforcement, and anti-corruption organizations, government agencies, and various international development organizations.

Across Africa, corruption remains a critical barrier to development, undermining democratic institutions, slowing economic growth, contributing to governmental instability, and fueling organized crime and general insecurity. The 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) reveals most African nations are struggling to make progress against corruption.

The agenda tackled pressing issues in the fight to protect whistleblowers, including a keynote address on the effect of corruption on economic growth and democratic processes in West Africa, a presentation on regional experience in whistleblowing and witness protection, and panel discussions on whistleblower protections.

Role of whistleblowing in combating corruption

In 2001, during the session of the Authority of Heads of State and Government held in Dakar, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) adopted the Protocol on the Fight against Corruption — a set of strategies to prevent, suppress, and eradicate corruption in the region. West African activists are continuing this fight and hoping to bolster whistleblower protections.

Speaking at the conference, Kole Shettima, Africa Director of the MacArthur Foundation, said:

Whistleblowing is one of the major instruments that can be used to improve accountability mechanisms in our region. The fight against corruption requires different tools and whistleblowing is certainly one of the tools. It is the responsibility of citizens to report crime and we have seen so many people coming out to report on so many corrupt practices that have happened.

Of course, whistleblower policy, as we know, has its challenges, and I think that the major challenge we have seen over the number of years is the question of protection. We know there are a number of people who have been victimized because they have come to report or have reported certain people who have done some bad things within their ministry, within their institutions and that issue of protection is certainly a critical factor.

In August 2024, Wale Edun, Nigeria's finance minister, said the government launched sting operations which recovered USD 609 million, NGN 83 billion (USD 52.5 million), and EUR 5 million (USD 5.3 million), respectively, with the help of its whistleblowing policy.

The plight of whistleblowers

Joseph Ameh, an architect who worked as the head of the physical planning division at the Federal College of Education in Delta State, Nigeria, explained the ordeal he experienced after calling out corruption. He told Global Voices that:

Due process was never followed in the engagement of workers. Quacks were engaged to carry out projects. At a point, there was a building collapse. My entire fight was to safeguard the public from danger and the secondary fight has to do with the economic effect of the corrupt practices. In the sense that, when a project is awarded, it is usually overinflated. Before the project even commences, they take out about half the contract sum [for] themselves. In October 2019, I wrote to the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC). They sent a letter to the institution where I worked and shortly after, my ordeal began. I was threatened, sacked, and trailed in vehicles. I have even been offered checks in millions which I rejected.

Another whistleblower who suffered a similar fate was Ntia Thompson, who was fired for exposing alleged fraud at the Nigerian Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 2016 but was later reinstated through sustained advocacy by civic groups. 

AFRICMIL coordinator Chido Onumah, whose organization has been advocating for whistleblowers through its corruption anonymous project, emphasized the need to protect them from retaliation in an interview with Global Voices. 

Whistleblowers have been facing all kinds of retaliation ranging from stigmatization and discrimination, dismissal from a place of work, criminal sanctions, and death in extreme cases for daring to take what is obviously a delicate conscious action. This makes whistleblowers endangered species, so to speak. And we totally agree with the ECOWAS Commission that one of the best ways of giving them cover is for member states to provide a comprehensive legal framework through the whistleblowing legislation for disclosure of information and protection against any retaliation as a result of making disclosures.

The need for whistleblower protection

In July 2016, the ECOWAS commission met in Cotonou, Benin, and fortified its regional anti-corruption efforts by unveiling the ECOWAS whistleblower protection strategy and plan of action. The key focus of the whistleblower protection strategy is to encourage member states to enact a law to protect public interest whistleblowers as a way of reducing corruption and enhancing transparency and accountability in West Africa.

Professor Etannibi E. Alemika, a criminologist and expert in security and criminal justice sector governance, in his keynote address called for the adoption of stronger whistleblower protection legislation across West Africa to combat corruption. He said:

What we need is comprehensive legislation that ensures anonymity, protection from victimization, and, where necessary, relocation of whistleblowers and their families.

Chido Onumah, AFRICMIL Coordinator, noted that “Of the 15 countries that make up ECOWAS, only Ghana has a whistleblower protection law. This is not a good advertisement for ECOWAS, whose region is consistently rated poorly on Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index (CPI) and the majority of whose member countries are still considered as the most corrupt countries in the world.”

Written by Pamela Ephraim

Originally published on Global Voices

One of Fasky's photographs at sn exhibition showcasing his work during the Récréâtrales festival. In this photo, a young woman is weaving a traditional Burkinabe loincloth. Photo by Joel Hevi, used with permission.

Across Africa, art events serve as powerful platforms for activists seeking to raise awareness about social issues and human rights.

Zerbo Siaka, also known as Fasky, is a photographic artist from Burkina Faso operating at the intersection of artistic expression and activist movements. The artist is also the director of the association Photo’age. Through this association, he is dedicated to passing on his photographic expertise to the next generation. His exhibition at the 13th edition of the cultural festival ‘Les Récréâtrales’ — a pan-African space for writing, creation, research, and theatrical dissemination — exemplifies the positive impact art can have on society.

A long-time participant in this significant gathering, Fasky shared his perspectives with Global Voices during Les Récréâtrales, explaining how he uses his photography as a tool to foster resilience and encourage social engagement.

Fasky. Photo by Joel Hevi, used with permission.

Joel Hevi (JH): Could you tell us about what inspired your journey into photography and your role within the Photo’Age association?

Fasky (F): Je suis Zerbo Siaka alias Fasky, photographe originaire de Bobo-Dioulasso, au Burkina Faso. Mon parcours en photographie a débuté par hasard. Au départ, je rêvais d’être rappeur, mais j’ai découvert la photographie en accompagnant des amis français impliqués dans une association au Burkina Faso. Ils m’ont offert un appareil photo, et c’est à ce moment-là que la photographie est devenue pour moi une passion. Aujourd’hui, au sein de l'association Photot'age, je transmets cet art aux jeunes, y compris les enfants déplacés internes, pour qu’ils puissent s’exprimer par l’image et montrer leur réalité.

Fasky (F): I am Zerbo Siaka, also known as Fasky, a photographer from Bobo-Dioulasso in Burkina Faso. My journey into photography happened by chance. Initially, I aspired to be a rapper, but my path changed when I discovered photography while accompanying some French friends who were part of an association in Burkina Faso. They gifted me a camera, and that’s when photography became my passion. Today, through Photo’Age, I share this art with the younger generation, including internally displaced children, helping them to express themselves and showcase their realities.

JH: You presented a series of portraits of women at Les Récréâtrales. What message are you hoping to share through these woman-centric pieces?

F : Cela fait quatre ans que je participe aux Récréâtrales. Au fil du temps, j’ai eu la chance de tisser des liens forts avec les femmes que je photographie, dont la majorité sont des déplacées internes [à cause des multiples violences engendrées par les attaques terroristes]. Le thème de mon exposition, “Nous Vaincrons”, reflète leur résilience dans un contexte de crise. Ce sont des femmes qui, malgré tout, gardent espoir et luttent pour leur dignité. À travers leurs portraits, j’invite les visiteurs à voir leur force et leur vulnérabilité. Mon souhait est qu’on perçoive, au-delà de leurs visages, une humanité qui touche et inspire.

F: For four years now, I have taken part in Les Récréâtrales. During this time, I have been fortunate to build strong connections with the women I photograph, most of whom are internally displaced [due to the widespread violence caused by terrorist attacks]. The theme of my exhibition, ‘We Shall Overcome,’ reflects their resilience in the face of crisis. These are women who, despite everything, hold on to hope and fight for their dignity. Through their portraits, I invite visitors to witness their strength and vulnerability. My hope is that beyond their faces, one can see a moving and inspiring humanity.

A Fasky exhibit during Les Récréâtrales. Photo by Joel Hevi, used with permission.

JH: Do you hope to initiate a dialogue about gender equality? What potential impacts could arise beyond the aesthetic appeal of your work?

F: Absolument, la photographie est pour moi un acte politique et social. Ces portraits sont une prise de parole pour l’égalité des genres, pour rendre hommage à ces femmes fortes et à leurs combats. Mon espoir est de créer une prise de conscience, de montrer leur force et de rappeler l’urgence de l’égalité. Si mes images peuvent ouvrir un débat, susciter l’envie de défendre les droits de ces femmes, alors elles auront rempli leur mission.

F: Definitely, photography is for me a political and social act. These portraits are a statement advocating for gender equality and a tribute to these strong women and their struggles. I hope to raise awareness, to showcase their strength, and to emphasize the urgency of achieving equality. If my photographs can spark a debate and motivate others to stand up for these women's rights, they will have achieved their goal.

JH: What role does the Photo’Age association play in the West African photographic landscape, and which recent projects are especially close to your heart?

F: Photot’Age représente un espace de partage et d’expression pour moi. Avec des jeunes et des enfants déplacés, notamment à travers le projet Terre Ceinte [projet culturel et artistique au service de la lutte contre l’extrémisme violent], nous leur enseignons la photographie comme moyen de raconter leurs histoires. C’est aussi une manière de construire une autre image d’eux-mêmes, de revendiquer leurs réalités et leurs droits. On appelle cela le photographivisme [Photographie + Activisme] – un engagement à faire de l’image un levier de changement social.

F: For me, Photo’Age serves as a platform for expression and exchange. Through initiatives like the Terre Ceinte [Fortified Earth] project [a cultural and artistic project aimed at combating violent extremism], we teach photography to young people and displaced children as a way for them to tell their stories. This approach allows them to redefine how they see themselves, claim their realities, and advocate for their rights. This is what we call ‘photographivism’ [photography + activism] — a commitment to using imagery as a catalyst for social change.

JH: You will soon be participating in the Month of Photography in Grenoble. What are your expectations for this event?

F: Participer au Mois de la Photo à Grenoble représente pour moi une occasion précieuse de partager une vision authentique et souvent méconnue de l'Afrique. Mon projet Reconfinement, qui illustre la manière dont le confinement, imposé par la pandémie, n’a jamais vraiment existé en Afrique, est une réflexion sur la résilience et la vie quotidienne. Ce projet cherche à créer une véritable connexion humaine, en invitant le public à comprendre que, pour beaucoup en Afrique, la survie quotidienne rend les confinements physiques et mentaux presque impossibles à imaginer.

Je m’attends à ce que le public français, habitué à des représentations plus stéréotypées ou occidentalisées de l’Afrique, réagisse avec réflexion face à cette réalité brute. En présentant ces images de résilience et de quotidien, je souhaite que les spectateurs soient confrontés à un autre regard sur l’Afrique, loin des clichés, mais profondément ancré dans les réalités humaines et sociales.

Cette exposition collective à La Rampe, aux côtés d’artistes comme Jean-Claude Partouche, Sophie Romettino et bien d’autres, me semble être un cadre idéal pour amorcer ce dialogue. L’un des aspects les plus intéressants de cet événement est justement l'échange, mais aussi sur les histoires humaines qui se cachent derrière chaque image. Je crois que cette expérience sera enrichissante, tant pour les spectateurs que pour nous, les artistes.

F: Taking part in the Month of Photography in Grenoble, France is a unique opportunity for me to share an authentic and often overlooked perspective of Africa. My project Reconfinement [Re-Lockdown], which explores how the pandemic-imposed lockdown was never truly experienced in Africa, offers a reflection on resilience and everyday life. The goal of this project is to establish a true human connection, encouraging the public to understand that for many in Africa, the realities of daily survival make physical and mental lockdowns almost unimaginable.

I expect the French audience, often exposed to more stereotypical or Westernized representations of Africa, to respond thoughtfully to this unfiltered reality. By showcasing these images of resilience and everyday life, I hope to challenge viewers with a different perspective on Africa — one that moves away from clichés and is deeply rooted in human and social realities.

This collective exhibition at La Rampe, alongside artists such as Jean-Claude Partouche, Sophie Romettino, and many others, feels like the perfect setting to initiate this dialogue. One of the most fascinating aspects of this event is the exchange it fosters, as well as the human stories behind each image. I believe this experience will be enriching for both the audience and us, the artists.

JH: Your photographic style conveys an intimate connection with your subjects. How do you manage to establish this trust, especially in often challenging situations?

F : La confiance est essentielle dans mon travail. Les femmes que je photographie me connaissent, nous avons tissé des liens au fil du temps. Le projet Terre Ceinte m’a permis de comprendre leurs vies et de gagner leur confiance. Avant de capturer leur image, j’écoute, je respecte leur histoire. C’est ce lien qui transparaît dans leurs regards sur mes photos – une sincérité que seules la patience et l’écoute peuvent créer.

F: Trust is at the heart of my work. The women I photograph know me; we have built relationships over time. The Terre Ceinte project allowed me to understand their lives and earn their trust. Before taking their pictures, I listen and respect their stories. This bond is reflected in their expressions in my photos — a sincerity that only patience and attentive listening can bring to life.

JH: What message do you hope to convey with your exhibitions?

F: Le message est universel : notre humanité nous relie. Les défis de Ouagadougou ne sont pas si différents de ceux de Grenoble. Mes expositions cherchent à créer un pont entre les cultures, à rappeler que, malgré nos différences, nous partageons des espoirs et des luttes communes. J’espère que les visiteurs sortiront de l’exposition avec une nouvelle perspective, un respect pour ces vies qui, bien que lointaines, leur sont finalement proches dans leur humanité.

F: The message is universal: our shared humanity connects us. The challenges in Ouagadougou are not so different from those in Grenoble. Through my exhibitions I aim to build a bridge between cultures, reminding us that despite our differences, we share common hopes and struggles. I hope visitors leave the exhibition with a fresh perspective and a newfound respect for lives that, while distant, are ultimately close to them in their shared humanity.

Written by Joel Hevi, Jean Sovon Translated by Jean-Christophe Brunet · View original post [fr]

Originally published on Global Voices

Collage with the cover of the novel “Cometierra,” by Dolores Reyes. Image created with Canva by Global Voices.

At the beginning of November, Argentine feminist literature became embroiled in a controversy. On her X (formerly Twitter) account, the Argentine vice president, Victoria Villarruel, denounced the actions of the Governor of Buenos Aires, Axel Kicillof, for allegedly distributing copies of the novel “Cometierra” (Earth-eater) in classrooms in the province, branding the content as “degrading and immoral,” and citing excerpts containing sexual scenes.  

“Cometierra,” by Dolores Reyes, is one of the feminist works that the current Argentine government is seeking to censor, alleging “sexually explicit content” that is unsuitable for adolescents. The campaign aims to remove these books from school and public libraries, but up to now has not been successful.  

A cry against gender-based violence and an ode to healthy relationships 

Since its publication in 2019, “Cometierra” has sold more than 70,000 copies and has been translated into fifteen languages.

The novel focuses on femicides and tells the story of a young psychic from the outskirts of Buenos Aires (known as Greater Buenos Aires) named Cometierra. A special gift enables her to find missing people — usually women, girls, and boys — by eating a handful of dirt those people stepped on.

Unfortunately, most of the time these people have been violently killed. Cometierra, in turn, is also an orphan because of a femicide: her father beat her mother to death when she was a child. 

Although the story is centred around extremely tragic situations, it also highlights the importance of emotional bonds, the protection of an older brother, close friendships that support and strengthen us, care and love.

In 2023, Dolores Reyes published her second novel, “Miseria,” a sequel that continues to follow the life of Cometierra, her brother and her sister-in-law, Miseria, in the city of Buenos Aires.

Why so scandalous?

In September of 2023, the government of  Buenos Aires Province launched the program Identidades Bonaerenses (Buenos Aires Identities), that includes a catalog of more than 100 literary works of fiction and non-fiction that relate to the territory, the customs and cultural identity of the province. Thousands of copies were purchased to be distributed in secondary and adult schools, technical schools, teacher training institutes, public and popular libraries, and prison libraries. Among these works is “Cometierra.”

The catalog was wrongly associated with the Educación Sexual Integral (ESI) (Comprehensive Sexual Education) program, the content of which is compulsory at all levels. This is not the case, as the catalogue corresponds to a non-compulsory program to promote reading, and details the minimum age recommendations and teacher support for this and other works.

Taking advantage of the controversy, an association for the defence of the “well-being of children and adolescents” has filed a criminal complaint against the General Director of Culture and Education of the Province of Buenos Aires, Alberto Sileoni, for the “corruption of minors, dissemination of pornographic material to minors and abuse of authority.”

At the center of this scandal, Dolores Reyes says that she has received an infinite number of threats and attacks on social media. In response to the vice president's allegations about her novel, the author told media outlet Infobae:

Cometierra es una forma de narrar un pedido de justicia: una chica que falta, una historia que fue silenciada, y por lo tanto no escuchada. El silenciamiento es una de las armas más efectivas de la violencia de género.

“Cometierra” is a form by which to narrate a demand for justice: a missing girl, a story that was silenced, and therefore not heard. Silencing is one of the most effective weapons of gender-based violence.

A gloomy #25N for Argentina 

November 25 was the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women, a date that has been commemorated since 1999, by a United Nations resolution in honor of the Mirabal sisters who were brutally executed by the dictator, Rafael Trujillo in the Dominican Republic on November 25 1960. 

However, this is the first time that Argentina has experienced this day in the midst of a clear institutional retreat and denial regarding gender-based violence. This in a country where 168 femicides were recorded in the first half of 2024 alone, of which 31 involved prior complaints (17 with precautionary measures in force) and where at least 155 minors lost their mothers to femicide. Policies related to gender equality and support seem to be more of a hindrance than a priority.

Having just assumed office, Javier Milei's government, from the La Libertad Avanza (LLA) (Freedom Advances) party, began the dissolution of the Ministry of Women, Genders and Diversity, and reduced it to an undersecretary of Protection against Gender-based Violence, which was shut down permanently in less than three months. This de-funded support programs for women and sexual diversity, and left thousands of victims of gender-based violence unprotected. 

Furthermore, in February of 2024, the government announced the closure of the National Institute against Discrimination, Xenophobia and Racism, alleging that it was “the ‘Cristinista’ thought police” (referring to Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, the former president and then vice president of Argentina). More than 400 people, who worked all over the country for the protection of minority rights, lost their jobs. The permanent closure was finalized in August 2024.

As if that were not enough, and in a context of inflation that worsens the situation, in August 2024, the LLA government introduced changes to the Acompañar program, which provides financial assistance to victims of gender-based violence, and reduced the economic allocation equivalent to the minimum living wage for workers from six to three months, which makes it more difficult to leave violent situations.

In addition to this set of actions that threaten the safety and support of victims of gender-based violence, there are several more that threaten the great achievements in terms of gender and equality. Among them, the elimination of the resolution that required gender parity in companies and civil associations, the modifications to the Micaela Law, which made gender training mandatory for members of the three branches of government and which is now required only for those who work “in bodies competent in the matter.”

The Registradas program, which promoted the formal incorporation of domestic workers into the labor market, was also ended; the use of inclusive language and everything related to the gender perspective in public administration was prohibited; the pension moratorium — of which the main beneficiaries were women, since they could retire without the required 30 years of contributions — was eliminated. It is usually women who have unregulated jobs or who leave the labor market to raise or care for families, so this measure directly targets them.

These are just some of the policies adopted by Argentina's government in its conservative and regressive “cultural battle” that is detrimental to the democratic agreement that has been in force for the last forty years.

What is also notable, is that the government seems to choose particular dates to apply these policies. For example, on  March 8, International Women's Day, it changed the name of the Salón de las Mujeres Argentinas del Bicentenario (Hall of Argentine Women of the Bicentennial) in the Casa Rosada presidential palace to the Salón de los Próceres (Hall of Heroes), arguing that the previous name represented an inverse discrimination. The Hall of Women was a space created by the former president Cristina Fernández de Kirchner to honour the role and legacy of women in Argentina's history.   

Read more: Women's rights are backsliding left and right in Latin America

On November 15, ten days before November 25, Argentina was the only country that voted against a United Nations resolution to eradicate violence against women. Almost simultaneously, this campaign to discredit feminist literature was unleashed, especially literature that addresses the problem of violence against women.

De vanguardia a verguenza: Argentina en el 25Nhttps://t.co/A84PCP42jj

— Luciana Peker (@lucianapeker) November 25, 2024

From progress to shame: Argentina on 25N

Finally, Milei's most recent announcement, on November 27, is just another element of his persecution against what he calls the “gender agenda”: he will eliminate by decree the non-binary ID card, established in 2021 after many years of struggle by LGBTQ+ organizations, and which made Argentina the first country in the region to recognize gender categories beyond the binary.

In addition to “Cometierra,” three other novels by feminist authors have been questioned: “Las primas” (The Cousins) by Aurora Venturini, “Si no fueras tan niña” (If you weren't such a girl) by Sol Fantin, and “Las aventuras de la China Iron” (The Adventures of China Iron) by Gabriela Cabezón Cámara, which were also included in the Identidades Bonaerenses catalogue. 

Collective Resistance

Calls for collective readings of “Cometierra” have gained traction in different cultural and academic spaces as a direct response to the attempts at censorship promoted by sectors of the government. These events have brought together writers, readers and social organizations in libraries, theatres and other public spaces with the aim of making the work of Dolores Reyes visible and defending free access to literature. 

One of the most notable gatherings took place at the Picadero Theatre in Buenos Aires, where more than one hundred writers participated in a public reading of the novel. These activities, in addition to supporting the author, have contributed to generating a debate about the importance of freedom of expression and the role of literature as a reflection of social problems.

 

View this post on Instagram

 

A post shared by Editorial Sigilo (@editorial_sigilo)

Books are the builders of community, of its multiple identities, of its stories, of its values, of its debates and discussions, of its disagreements and of its meeting points. The Argentine literary tradition is a true wonder for men and women alike and has a global projection of enormous importance and prestige. Books, and fiction in particular, are tools of knowledge that link people’s lives and are deeply intertwined with education. Libraries and classrooms have in teachers and librarians the ideal and trained mediators that allow reading to accompany educational development at all levels of public and private education so that it can illuminate and generate debates. It is in these places that citizens are formed. That is why it is imperative that Argentine literature: current literature, that of the country’s early days, that of the native peoples who preceded us, be available to students and readers throughout the country. In line with this, Argentine writers, and writers from various places in Latin America and Spain, call for an unrestricted defence of books, reading schemes and libraries. Writers are not hostages of any regime or any electoral campaign. We cannot allow neither the censorship campaigns nor the violent personal attacks on any writer, male or female, over disputes that have nothing to do with the objectives of our work. Readers, writers, both male and female: books, free from all current disputes and all censorship.

And this avalanche of support and protests is compounded by the almost inevitable result when an attempt is made to censor a work: record sales in recent weeks that have made “Cometierra” the best-selling work, even above South Korean Han Khan, winner of the 2024 Nobel Prize for Literature.

This is not the first time that an unintentional “publicity campaign” by the libertarian Argentine government has boosted the careers of women it attacks or seeks to discredit: at the end of September, the music video by singer-songwriter and actress Lali Espósito, where she mocked Milei’s attacks against her, became the most viewed video worldwide. 

Written by Romina Navarro, Lucía Leszinsky Translated by Molly Furnival-Phillips · View original post [es]

Originally published on Global Voices

Twelve-year-old Ahmar is working in locomotive workshops to collect automobile parts. Photo by Ramna Saeed. Used with permission.

At Torkham, the bustling Pakistan-Afghanistan border crossing in North-West Pakistan, the air is filled with the constant buzz of trucks and trailers transporting goods and essential supplies across the border. Amidst the bustle, a striking yet unsettling image unfolds of young children darting between big trucks, their petite frames burdened by loads of stuff.

They navigate the perils with remarkable agility, avoiding the moving traffic and the security personnel's ever-watchful gaze. Their presence highlights critical concerns about survival, exploitation, and the dark economic underbelly of this precarious region.

In the border area of Ghazgi, a town in west Afghanistan, children like twelve-year-old Ahmar face similar hardships. Ahmar, along with other young boys, haul scraps of automobiles across the Afghan border to Pakistan, embodying the struggles of a generation burdened by harsh labour and despair.

Dressed in worn-out clothes and a patched-up traditional Pashtun hat, Ahmar contributes to the family income. For the past year, he has been carrying a five-kilogram bag filled with spare automobile parts back and forth between Pakistan and Afghanistan. He explained that his sister waits for him at the border crossing to take goods from a commission agent or a warehouse in Pakistan or Afghanistan and cross the border. When a shipment of automobile scrap arises at the border, she heads toward her home to bag the commercial goods. Sometimes, she spends the entire night by the roadside, waiting for the chance to help her brother by collecting leftover scrap for him. There are also some children whose parents task them with smuggling commercial goods, and they make the perilous journey to the border on their own.

A warehouse supervisor, speaking to the Global Voices team on the condition of anonymity, revealed that an organized mafia colluding with the border administration is involved in sending and receiving goods across the border. He further explained that many of the children involved in these activities do not have adult family members accompanying them. However, some children are brought by their parents, who work at the warehouse, to assist in smuggling goods across the border. These parents often coordinate with warehouse operators in Afghanistan to transport goods on their return journey. In exchange for their involvement, the parents receive compensation for their work.

Farman Shinwari, the former president of the labor union for workers in Torkham, revealed in a face-to-face interview that more than 3,000 laborers are engaged in commercial activities at the border, 70 percent of whom are children.

Seven-year-old Kashmala is also from Afghanistan. She works as a labourer in Torkham, Pakistan, with her relatives and other neighbouring children. Kashmala's home is located an hour away from Torkham, and she returns home every few days to give her mother 2,000–3,000 rupees (USD 7.2–10.8). This money is used to support her two brothers and three sisters. Upon asking about her work, her parents shared in a pained voice that incidents of sexual assault and violence against children are alarmingly common in this line of work.

According to Farman Shinwari, child labour has not been completely restricted by law in Pakistan because, if it were banned outright, children would attempt to cross the border on foot through dangerous areas, climb over fences, or hide in vehicles and trailers, which could lead to even more accidents. During occasional meetings with Pakistani and Afghan border authorities, he also participates as a labour union representative. He claims that in every meeting, the authorities strongly emphasize the need for restrictions on children bringing and taking goods, and sometimes, they halt the movement of children at the border for several days.

Based on his data, thirty children have died in the past two years after being run over by goods-carrying vehicles. However, the government has no record of these children, and there is no system in place for financially assisting their families.

The sexual abuse of child labourers

Azam Khan is twelve years old and hails from Pakistan's Landi Kotal town. He crossed the border on foot from Afghanistan and reached a warehouse located within Pakistan’s borders, carrying twenty packs (cartons) of cigarettes on his shoulders. His sweat-soaked clothes were weighed down by dust, and he was sitting near a water cooler to quench his thirst. When asked about the marks and scars on his face, he revealed that he had been subjected to physical abuse multiple times by Pakistani security personnel at the border as well as Afghan Taliban fighters.

Azam explained that during work, child labourers become targets for physical and sexual abuse. He mentioned an incident where he once went to a place provided by the warehouse manager to sleep, and there, an attempt was made to molest him.

Ferman Shinwari mentioned that the number of children working in difficult conditions in Torkham has increased due to the arrival of the Taliban in Afghanistan and international sanctions. Ten of 100 children are Pakistani, while the rest are Afghan. Most of these children are the sole breadwinners of their homes whose elders have died or become disabled in the conflict.

Without revealing his name, an official of the Landi Kotal Sub Jail mentioned that in Torkham, children are used for smuggling commercial goods and drug smuggling. He stated that in the past year, 20 children were arrested, but due to the lack of a specific place for children in the jail, their cases are quickly dealt with, and legal action is taken. He further stated that a significant number of arrested children are Afghan, and they are later handed over to Afghan authorities.

Sufyan, Kashmala's elder sibling working in a welding shop on the Torkham border. Photo by Ramna Saeed. Used with permission.

How many child labourers are there?

The exact number of child laborers in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa is unavailable, according to Lehaz Ali, a journalist working with Agence France Presse. He mentioned that there is no comprehensive data or effective planning by the government to address the issues faced by child laborers in the region, making it difficult to ascertain the exact number of child laborers.

According to the last survey conducted in 1996, around 3.3 million children in Pakistan were engaged in various forms of child labor in specific sectors. Of these, a significant number, approximately 1 million children, were from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. However, tribal areas, Afghan refugees, and informal sectors were not included in this survey.

“The formal data collection work for the survey began in January 2022. After the data collection phase in October 2022, the data validation and correction process started, which was completed in April 2023. It took five months to compile the report. The commission identified Afghan children who were victims of various issues and, with the help of the mentioned authorities, reached out to their families in Afghanistan. Currently, more than thirty Afghan children are present in the commission’s rehabilitation centers”, said the head of the Child Protection and Welfare Commission in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Ajaz Muhammad Khan in an interview with Global Voices.

Child protection laws

In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province, after amendments to the Protection of Children and Welfare Act 2010, it was re-passed in 2015, the Compulsory Primary to Secondary Education Act 2017, the Prevention of Child Labor Amendment Act was enacted in 2015, in which the conditions regarding child labor were clarified. After the increase in cases of sexual violence against children in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, there was increased pressure from social activists and the public to bring amendments to the Protection of Children Act 2010. The bill was presented to the provincial cabinet in 2021, and the draft of the bill was unanimously approved after a disputed section was removed. The disputed proposal suggested making a public a video of hanging child sexual offenders, but it was dropped from the bill after dissenting opinions emerged.

According to the amended law, a person involved in child sexual abuse will be punished with life imprisonment, a death sentence, and a fine of up to PKR 5 million (USD 18,000). Making videos of child sexual abuse will attract 20 years in jail and a fine of PKR 7 million (USD 25,222) while sharing the video will attract 10 years in jail and a fine of PKR 2 million (USD 7,200). The bill removed the death penalty and amputation of the sentence for a sexual assault convict.

It remains to be seen whether this law and other steps against child abuse and dangerous child labor will protect the vulnerable children at the border, but activists are remaining hopful and vowing to continue their fight.

Written by Asfandiyar

Originally published on Global Voices

Screenshot of the Russia Post website. Fair use.

This article by sociologist Anna Kuleshova, writing for Russia Post, spotlights Russian artists in exile, who, while dealing with the challenges faced by all emigrants, have managed to unite many of their compatriots living abroad and are changing the public image of their home country. An edited version is republished by Global Voices with permission from Russia Post.

In the interviews I conduct with Russians who left their country after the start of the Ukraine war, one of the frequent and painful stories is that of losing or changing professions in emigration.

Who needs Russian-language art outside of Russia? How is it even possible if the country has been “cancelled?”

There are several million Russians living outside of Russia, including emigrants from different historical periods and their descendants. This is several million potential Russian-speaking consumers of cultural products, not to mention those who left after the start of the war and so-called “partial mobilization,” as well as foreigners who are interested in Russian art, even if it is not their native language.

Russians outside of their country do not always form neat diasporas and sometimes do not communicate with one another at all. In France, a respondent told me about a problem that he encountered at a wedding; it turns out that you cannot seat Russians from different waves of emigration at the same table, lest a scandal should erupt.

Often, Russian communities in host countries are virtual, forming around Telegram chats, as well as professional identity (“IT workers”) and volunteer assistance. In other cases, what brings them together are the stage, art spaces and creative projects.

Because Russians do not live compactly in a single place, artist groups in exile are forced to drop any dreams of having their own venue and performing on the main stage and “Uberize” their contact with the audience. “You need theater? We will come to you.”

The latest wave of Russian emigration is sometimes compared with the White exodus after the Bolshevik Revolution, and it is expected to bring no less benefit to the host countries than those who left a century ago.

Back then, for example, Serbia emerged as a major beneficiary, with architects, doctors and other specialists from Russia flocking there. Today, Montenegro and Armenia have received significant economic benefits from the Russian IT sector. France and the UK issue talent visas to Russians, still remembering the cultural influence of those like Mikhail (“Michael”) Chekhov and Nikita Balieff, among many others.

The high expectations are partially justified: Russian emigrants contribute to scientific research in host countries, as well as such areas as evidence-based medicine, the IT sector and the creative industry. New theaters have emerged abroad, such as The Chaika, which in its first season put on 38 performances in Lisbon, Paris and Luxembourg (this author helped organize the tour in Luxembourg).

This troupe, like their predecessors a century ago, preserves Russian culture — that part of it that first, the Soviet government tried to ban and now independent Russia is trying to “cancel.”[GV: Meaning people who oppose the government but have a lot to contribute]

Such Russian-speaking cultural communities are being supported not only by emigrants from earlier waves, patrons of the arts, charitable foundations and local governments but also by highly educated professionals who have recently left Russia.
One of my interviewees in Armenia told me that he and his colleagues had created an artist collective whose business idea was piano, vocal and painting lessons. When asked about the target audience, he said they were counting on IT specialists and their families, who, having left the familiar educational and cultural milieu of Russian big cities (“millioniki”), are searching for a replacement in their new places of residence.

New social circles often form around artists in exile, offering emigrants a chance to connect with like-minded people and escape loneliness, anxiety and fear. They attract those who define themselves not only as Russians but also as “people with a common destiny.”

Those artists who, though rejecting the official ideology of modern Russia, have decided not to emigrate are helping their antiwar and antiregime compatriots inside the country to survive these hard times: people unite around “their” musicians and artists at private art venues and play readings, while also following the creative projects of Russians who left.

Artists who find themselves outside of Russia are not always able to put aside fear and feel free. The official Russian press often writes about them in offensive, threatening language.

Most Russians of the latest emigration wave left with only their “internal” Russian documents — without passports of other countries, a financial cushion or an idea of where they would work (except for IT specialists, many of whom were relocated abroad by their employers). Art workers are no exception.

Typically, emigrants have relatives and property back in Russia, which makes them vulnerable to the authorities.

In addition, the policies of host countries can change unpredictably, forcing Russians to move out (for example, Turkey has been clamping down on immigration). My interviewees have lived in an average of three to four countries in the last two and a half years.

It is impossible to be sure that you will not suddenly find yourself without a valid residence permit or access to money (for example, foreign banks have refused to service clients from Russia for fear of secondary sanctions). If you fail to find a stable job abroad, you will have to return to Russia. The same is true if your “internal” passport expires, as you can only get a new one in Russia — Russian embassies issue only “foreign” passports.

And the hardest choice of all: a relative or friend falls ill, and you need to go back, but you have already written a lot online condemning the regime and the war.

Against this backdrop, artists find themselves in a particularly precarious situation, especially if they are not stars or part of famous troupes, like the singers Zemfira and Monetochka, director Kirill Serebryannikov or comedian Viktor Shenderovich.

Russian emigrants in general and their host countries expect artists to take a bold and public stand against the war, but lesser-known artists and new artist collectives are racked by insecurity: they face the task not only of reaching their artistic potential but also of just surviving each day, meaning obtaining legal status in their host country. Meanwhile, it usually takes at least five years to obtain citizenship of another country, only after which exiled Russians feel secure and free from dependence on Russia.

Despite all these challenges, it is contemporary Russian art in exile that is becoming the public face of the Russia that is banned in its homeland, persecuted by the Russian authorities and reviled by Kremlin propagandists. Art in exile reminds the world that — like any other country — Russia is multifaceted, and even in the most difficult situations, there are people with whom dialogue is possible.

Written by Russia Post

Originally published on Global Voices

A nurse vaccinates a baby in Accra, Ghana, in 2020. Image is public domain

By Keletso Thobega

As of August 2020, Africa was declared free of wild poliovirus, a disease that had previously paralyzed thousands of children across the continent each year. This was a major milestone in the fight against polio, which began with the World Health Organization's Global Polio Eradication Initiative in 1988. This initiative led to a 99 percent decrease in new polio cases globally.

However, a new vaccine-derived mutation of this virus has emerged in Southern Africa, largely linked to low immunization coverage.

In an online interview with Global Voices, some health experts working on the continent highlighted several challenges hindering the complete eradication of polio. They emphasized that successful eradication efforts must go beyond vaccination campaigns to include strengthening supply chain systems, ensuring that polio education and vaccines reach even the most remote and rural communities across Africa.

Village Reach, a non-profit organization that focuses on improving health products and services’ accessibility in low-income and low-resource communities, shared insights on why and how they strengthened their supply chain systems.

Luciana Maxim, director of Health Supply Chain and Lab System Strengthening at Village Reach, told Global Voices that at the end of 2021, they received funding from the Global Polio Eradication Initiative (GPEI) to conduct national assessments of the lab sample referral and transport system for polio in several countries across Africa. According to Maxim, many areas in Africa — particularly rural areas — have poor transport infrastructure, which makes it challenging to reach the communities.

For example, in some areas, some roads have potholes or are unpaved, making it difficult for vehicles to get there. In these places, healthcare workers must find other ways to distribute vaccines, which might take significant time or money, such as through bicycles or helicopters.

The same logistical challenges occur regarding the timeliness and quality of transportation for lab samples, including human and environmental samples suspected of polio. These challenges make it difficult for healthcare workers to meet WHO guidelines that infected samples should be transported to a national or international polio lab within three days of specimen collection. 

Tsedeye Girma, UNICEF’s global polio outbreak response coordinator, told Global Voices that depending on the context, they used various modes of transport to get polio vaccines to the most remote health facilities. “This includes refrigerated trucks, motorcycles, boats, pack animals, and also by foot,” she said. She added that in some countries, like Malawi and Mozambique, they have even used drones to deliver vaccines. 

Girma detailed how the recent vaccine-derived polio cases in Southern Africa were swiftly contained:

Once wild polio was detected again particularly in Malawi and Mozambique in early 2022, everyone went into emergency mode to contain these outbreaks. It was imperative to get samples to the labs as soon as possible, to raise awareness at the community and health worker level, and to catch up all children on their routine immunizations post-COVID19.  We were part of these efforts, and the wild polio outbreaks were contained quickly that same year, she noted. 

Maxim pointed out that 13 out of the 15 countries where they have been working since have experienced vaccine-derived polio outbreaks. A vaccine-derived poliovirus (VDPV) is a rare strain of poliovirus that evolves from the weakened live virus used in the oral polio vaccine (OPV). This live virus is designed to stimulate the immune system and build protection against polio. However, if it circulates in under- or unimmunized populations for long enough or replicates in an individual with an immune deficiency, it can mutate and regain the ability to cause disease.

Maxim added:

We quickly realized that, in order to help suppress outbreaks, we need an integrated approach that ensures samples for all outbreak-prone diseases reach labs within days. We took every opportunity to integrate resources, staff and data across diseases and across health system functions.

Girma said it is critical to build a decentralised presence and ties with communities. 

She explained:

We take a community-centric approach in engaging local communities as active partners in the fight to end polio. We recruited and trained thousands of local community members including traditional leaders, religious leaders, polio survivors, women groups, youth, and other community influential people to work as polio outreach workers and mobilizers.

Most households in Africa have women as breadwinners, and the majority of polio community mobilizers have been women, which is critical in areas where cultural norms restrict their male healthcare workers from entering households with only women.

This approach makes all the difference in getting the message across and ensuring children get vaccinated, Girma added. 

To enhance the reach of the vaccination campaigns, UNICEF and other stakeholders have made efforts to craft messages in a multitude of local languages, but the language barrier in polio vaccine campaigns persists. These messages are often broadcasted through megaphones by town announcers and mobile public announcement vans that traverse from one community to another.

Vaccine misinformation also remains a significant barrier to reaching children. Girma said that community mobilizers play a key role, addressing parents’ and caregivers’ concerns about vaccines during visits. 

“We also use social listening tools to track and counter false information about vaccines both online and offline. UNICEF’s digital community engagement program mobilizes over 70,000 online volunteers worldwide to counter misinformation and provide accurate and timely information about vaccines.” Some of the common falsehoods they encounter include claims that vaccines are painful and cause illness, weaken the immune system, are designed to harm young people, or are not culturally or religiously acceptable.

In a message to mark World Polio Day 2024, WHO Regional Director for Africa, Matshidiso Moeti, reported that 134 cases of polio type 2 had been detected in 2024 alone as of September 5. The circulating variant was identified in Burkina Faso, Cameroon, the Central African Republic, Chad, Mali, Niger, and Nigeria.

As polio eradication efforts continue, Maxim and Girma express hope that governments, the private sector, and non-governmental organizations will collaborate to combat vaccine misinformation. They also stress the importance of prioritizing funding to strengthen supply chain systems, ensuring equitable access to vaccines and healthcare services across the continent.

Written by Guest Contributor

Originally published on Global Voices

Screenshot from video “Thousands left stranded in Niger's migrant camps”, uploaded to YouTube by AfricaNews. Fair use.

In the vast expanse of the Sahara Desert, near the border between Algeria and Niger, thousands of Sub-Saharan migrants face a harrowing ordeal. Deported by Algerian authorities, they are often left stranded without food, water, or shelter, forced to traverse the unforgiving desert terrain under extreme temperatures. This practice has drawn sharp criticism from human rights organizations, which argue that it violates international humanitarian standards and endangers lives. 

In a report from 2020, Human Rights Watch refugee and migrant researcher Lauren Seibert said, “Algeria is entitled to protect its borders, but not to arbitrarily detain and collectively expel migrants, including children and asylum seekers, without a trace of due process.” 

Staggering numbers of expulsions

Since January 2024, Algeria has expelled nearly 20,000 African migrants, including women and children, to neighboring Niger. These expulsions are frequently conducted under harsh conditions, with migrants being abandoned in the desert near the border, compelled to walk for miles to reach safety. The organization Alarme Phone Sahara, which assists migrants in the desert between Algeria and Niger, reported that at least 19,798 individuals were deported from January to August 2024.

According to the organization, migrants deported to northern Niger often find themselves stranded in precarious conditions in the Agadez region in northern Niger, unable to either continue their journey or return home despite some expressing a desire to do so. 

This situation has been exacerbated by extreme weather events between May and August 2024, where severe droughts were followed by devastating floods. “The climate crisis is already a reality, and people on the move, as well as the local population in Niger, are among those most directly affected by its consequences,” the report adds, underscoring the immediate impact of the climate crisis on both migrants and local communities. 

Desperate journeys through the desert

With the European Union putting pressure on North African countries to prevent the flow of migration, mass expulsions have increased, with the EU well aware of the conditions. According to a report by the Associated Press in 2018, the deportation process often begins with mass arrests in Algerian cities, where migrants are detained and then transported to the southern border regions. Upon arrival, they are left in remote desert areas, sometimes at gunpoint, and forced to walk under scorching temperatures reaching up to 48 degrees Celsius (118 degrees Fahrenheit). This perilous journey has resulted in numerous deaths, with migrants succumbing to dehydration, heatstroke, and exhaustion.

Human rights organizations have condemned these actions, highlighting the lack of due process and the inhumane treatment of migrants. In a 2023 statement, the World Organization Against Torture stated that “These migrants are subject to torture and ill-treatment. They are arbitrarily arrested and detained with no procedural guarantees,” accusing Algeria’s migration policies of targeting Black migrants from sub-Saharan countries, and pointing out “security forces’ use of ethnically charged verbal abuse.” 

Between January and April 2023, over 11,000 individuals were deported to Niger, with the trend continuing into 2024 with the International Organization of Migration providing assistance to these migrants, offering food, water, and medical care upon their arrival in Niger.

Ethical and legal questions

The Algerian government, however, maintains that these deportations are conducted in accordance with bilateral agreements with Niger and are necessary to combat illegal immigration and human trafficking. Officials argue that the presence of irregular migrants poses security and economic challenges, necessitating strict measures to control migration flows.

Despite these justifications, the conditions under which these deportations occur have raised significant ethical and legal questions. International law mandates that deportations should be carried out with respect for human rights and dignity, ensuring the safety and well-being of individuals. The practice of abandoning migrants in the desert, without adequate provisions or assistance, starkly contrasts with these principles.

The plight of these migrants is further compounded by the broader context of migration in North Africa. Many Sub-Saharan Africans embark on perilous journeys through the Sahara, aiming to reach Europe in search of better opportunities. However, stringent border controls and restrictive migration policies in North African countries, often supported by European Union initiatives, have made these journeys increasingly dangerous.

Life on the margin

In Algeria, Sub-Saharan migrants live in precarious conditions, balancing the fear of deportation with the hope of establishing a better life. Many find work in construction, and women, often accompanied by children, resort to begging at traffic intersections. Despite the risk of periodic police roundups, some migrants have managed to establish small businesses and live relatively stable lives, providing for their families back home. However, the lack of asylum rights and restrictive labor laws for foreigners make their future in Algeria uncertain.

The international community has a crucial role to play in addressing this humanitarian crisis, supporting organizations assisting migrants on the ground, and ensuring comprehensive migration policies that prioritize human rights and provide safe and legal pathways for migrants. 

As the world grapples with complex migration challenges, the stories of those abandoned in the Sahara serve as a stark reminder of the human cost of restrictive migration policies and the imperative to uphold human rights and protect the most vulnerable among us.

Written by El Mehdi Boufaddi

Originally published on Global Voices

Screenshot from Facebook page of the Minister of the Interior and Chairman of liberal political party STAN, Vít Rakušan “We don’t want Matryoshka in the Czech Republic.” Fair use.

The Czech government’s recent proposal to restrict citizenship applications for Russian nationals has sparked significant controversy. At the beginning of September 2024 Czech liberal party STAN (Mayors and Independents) proposed in a press release an amendment to the so-called Lex Ukraine 7 law to impose stricter conditions for Russian nationals seeking Czech citizenship.

This proposal comes at a politically charged time, as the Czech Republic prepares for its parliamentary elections in 2025. STAN is part of the government, run by a  ruling coalition which, facing declining approval ratings, appears to be leveraging populist rhetoric to solidify its position. Furthermore, the presence of nearly 350,000 Ukrainian refugees in the country has heightened public sensitivity to issues of migration, citizenship, and security. Critics argue that while the Czech government has extended remarkable support to Ukrainian refugees, the proposed amendment reveals a double standard in its treatment of Russian nationals.

The Minister of the Interior and Chairman of STAN, Vít Rakušan, shared on social media a post symbolizing the proposal with an image of matryoshka dolls captioned: “We don’t want Matryoshka in the Czech Republic.” This statement drew parallels to a previous populist slogan by an Islamophobic group “We don’t want Islam in the Czech Republic,” which hit peak popularity a decade ago.

Under the proposed amendment, Russian citizens must renounce their Russian citizenship to be eligible for Czech citizenship. Martin Exner, STAN’s deputy chairman, justified it as a purported necessity for national security, stating:

We cannot allow that at a time when Russia is taking hostile actions not only against Ukraine, but also against us and other EU countries, its citizens can acquire Czech citizenship, and therefore all the rights related to it.

In another statement for Radio Prague International, he added that “the right to Czech citizenship is not a human right.”

While national security concerns are a valid justification for certain policies, critics argue this proposal raises serious questions about the Czech Republic’s commitment to democratic principles and its treatment of minorities. Combining the voices of affected individuals with insights from commentators, the law’s implications extend beyond security, concerns revealing troubling failures in Czech liberalism and the opportunistic nature of its current political establishment.

Voices from the Russian community 

The amendment has left many the approximately 40,000 Russian residents of the Czech Republic feeling alienated and betrayed. These are not anonymous faces but well-integrated members of society who have built lives, families, and careers in the country.

Some members of the Russian community in Czech Republic are exiles who escaped Russia because they disagree with the Putin regime.

The activist group Jsme Lidé (We Are People) has created a website and organized petitions against such an amendment, stating that “We are not matryoshkas. We are people.” They have also held peaceful demonstrations and public events, spoken up for the cause, raised charities, and communicated with lawyers, legislators, and journalists.

Screenshot from webpage Jsmelide.cz. Fair use.

Global Voices interviewed some activists raising awareness of the dangers of such an amendment’s human cost, revealing the fear, uncertainty, and resentment it has sparked within the community.

Daria, an accountant who has lived in Prague for 10 years, highlights the amendment’s impracticality and its moral implications, feeling herself being treated by politicians as disposable:

I love it here. This is my home. I work, pay taxes, and have built my life here. Mr. Exner says that “ordinary Russians don’t need to be afraid of anything, they can perfectly fine live with a permanent residence permit in the Czech Republic,” however, he then mentions that in the case of conflict escalation with Russia, Russian citizens may and would be send out back to Russia. To the country I have no literal ties with. You cannot do the same thing with a Czech citizen. Mr. Exner, do you still think there is nothing to be afraid of? Do not answer, please, I already know what you are about to say.

Christina, a 28-year-old professional, working in an international company echoes similar concerns. “The amendment threatens my ability to connect with my family in Russia and my ability to live in the country I call home.” For her, Russian citizenship is her tie to her childhood, and her home, but “Czechia has become my home too.” She points out that there is no guarantee that she won't be forced to leave Czech territory, abandoning her husband and child.

 A 26-year-old doctor Taisiia Fedorkova, who graduated from Charles University and works now at Mulacova Nemocnice at the general medicine department and who is married to a Czech citizen, points out the amendment’s divisive consequences, feeling that it paints all people from Russia as enemies. She says that, aside from making her insecure about her future and not having the same citizenship as her children, her husband's family does not understand the need for it.

Andrey, 42-year-old analytical professional with a PhD from the UK, who relocated to the EU via the Blue Card program and works in a leading manufacturing company in the Czech Republic, fears the amendment signals a dangerous legislative trend for other national minorities living in the Czech Republic as well.

Populism and the failure of Czech liberalism?

The amendment has drawn sharp criticism from commentators and analysts; many view it as emblematic of a broader failure within the Czech political establishment.

Journalist Ondřej Soukup argued that the amendment does more harm than good by alienating those who oppose the current Russian regime. He noted that the law plays directly into Russian propaganda, which seeks to portray the West as hostile toward ordinary Russians.

A commentary by Robert Havlíček, research fellow at the Association for International Issues (AMO) highlights the Czech government’s failure to uphold its liberal ideals, citing that even the Czech Ombudsman office criticized it as dangerous. He emphasized that the proposal undermines the Czech Republic’s reputation as a defender of human rights and democracy.

Even within the Czech political landscape, the move has been criticized for its shortsightedness. “Instead of addressing security threats through robust intelligence and targeted measures, the government has opted for a blanket policy that discriminates against an entire group of people,” a Radio Prague International commentary noted.

A turn towards far-right rhetoric

The amendment also reflects a surprising shift in the Czech political establishment toward far-right rhetoric. While the country has long been seen as a bastion of liberal democracy in Central Europe, this proposal suggests a departure from those values.

Yet critics argue this move is less about security and more about securing votes. As Daria put it:

This isn’t about protecting the country — it’s the usual political populism. [The ruling party] is trying to win votes with such a cheap trick, understanding that it will lose the next elections.

Just in case Mr. Exner has never heard of it, when applying for citizenship, the candidate is checked up and down by the Czech secret services.

Exner’s remarks that “ordinary Russians have nothing to fear” contrast starkly with the realities faced by Russian residents who fear deportation or losing their homes. Christina, who had been helping some of them voice their concerns through translation, explains that they  have already faced hostility, with some receiving threatening messages on social media.

Besides its discriminatory approach, the proposed amendment is in many cases impractical. To renounce Russian citizenship, individuals are required to travel to Russia and complete the process in person — an impossible or dangerous task for many. Numerous Russians in the Czech Republic are vocal anti-Putin activists, journalists — such as Irina Dolinina, Farida Kurbangaleeva, and Svetlana Prokopyeva — and dissidents who have sought refuge in this country due to fear of persecution. This requirement effectively alienates those who actively defend democratic values and participate in Czech civil society.

The proposed amendment to restrict citizenship for Russian nationals represents a critical test of the Czech Republic’s democratic values. Will the country uphold its liberal principles of inclusion and fairness, or will it succumb to the pressures of populism and fear?

Written by Elmira Lyapina

Originally published on Global Voices

Photo featuring the term ‘hate speech’ in Albanian, generated with artificial intelligence in Canva by the Portalb.mk team. Used with permission.

This article by Despina Kovachevska was originally published by Meta.mk. An edited version is republished here under a content-sharing agreement between Global Voices and Metamorphosis Foundation. 

The deputy prime minister for good governance policies of North Macedonia, Arben Fetai, announced on his Facebook profile that he received a death threat on his official email on November 8, 2024. In less than half a day, media outlets reported on his status along with verbatim hate speech quotes in the headlines of their articles, writes Portalb.mk.

This is not the first time the media has carelessly published politicians’ statements without critically analyzing them, using the situation to generate sensationalism and boost their viewership. Such journalism has numerous harmful consequences, and in this case, it has only amplified and spread the hateful message promoting killing of members of an ethnic group throughout the media.

The news was first published on Alsat quoting the entire threatening message in the article’s title, without providing any context or critical view of the event.

Screenshot of media article containing direct quote of hate speech in the headline: “BULLET IN THE HEAD FOR YOU SHIPO FETAI” / Deputy PM Arben Fetai's life threats.”

Anti-Albanian hate speech often uses the term “shiptar” or variants, like “shipo,” which is based on debasement for the Albanian term for Albanian, “shqiptar.” It is considered derogatory in a similar manner to the N-word in the US.

On the media aggregator Time.mk, one can see that out of several articles that report on the event, half of them contain the same threatening message in the title and thus fuel hate speech even more, especially in the comments below the news.

Although most media outlets do this to get clicks, this practice contributes to hate messages becoming dominant in the media sphere, increasing the risk of supporting negative and dangerous tendencies in society.

Hate speech is an increasingly common phenomenon on the internet, especially in comments on social media. Media outlets, instead of critically reporting on this phenomenon, are becoming the main spreaders of such messages.

This is the second instance of hate speech within one week conveying the same message, this time scrawled on the wall of a building in front of the Constitutional Court of North Macedonia in Skopje. Although the graffiti was removed by November 1, after the Portalb.mk team alerted the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the situation became much more complicated online.

Hate speech graffiti in Skopje, North Macedonia, with the text ‘DEAD SHIPTAR!!!’ painted across the entrance of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of North Macedonia. Photo by Portalb.mk, used with permission.

While the swift response from institutions is a positive example of taking action against the spread of hate in physical spaces, the lack of regulation in the digital realm remains a significant issue.

In the online realm, aggressive and harmful expressions of hatred and misinformation often remain unpunished for extended periods, with mechanisms for swift removal being notably inadequate. What is lacking are concrete and effective strategies to monitor and eliminate harmful content on the internet. While laws and regulations, such as the Digital Services Act, can help manage this area, they also require active participation from social media platforms and society as a whole in the battle against hate and misinformation online.

The media plays a key role in polarizing societies

Frequently repeating the same message can have negative effects, particularly in media coverage during emotionally charged and politically divided times. When society is polarized, the media are often compelled to take sides or favor one narrative over another, which can further entrench preexisting divisions.

In such conditions, the media should take responsibility for balancing narratives and work to reduce divisions by focusing on constructive dialogue, fact-checking and objective reporting. It is also important to develop mechanisms that will protect the media from political or economic influence and encourage journalists to commit to ethical reporting.

The media are not merely messengers of information; they serve as interpreters and curators, selecting and framing content to help audiences make sense of complex issues.

The media landscape in the Western Balkans is highly polarized, with close ties between media ownership and political elites fostering an environment where investigative journalism is rare, and self-censorship is pervasive. These dynamics significantly undermine the media's role as a democratic watchdog, limiting its capacity to hold power accountable and promote informed public discourse. Instead of challenging entrenched power structures, many media outlets serve as tools for political propaganda or profit-driven sensationalism.

No meaningful response to hate speech

Hate speech, both online and in public spaces, remains a pressing issue in the region. Despite the existence of legislation criminalizing hate speech, institutional responses are often inadequate. Enforcement is inconsistent, selective, or entirely absent, which emboldens perpetrators and allows harmful rhetoric to permeate public discourse unchecked.

In our experience, despite reporting multiple instances of cybercrimes involving hate speech, we have received no meaningful response or action from relevant institutions. This lack of accountability not only undermines trust in the system but also enables hate speech to flourish, further polarizing society and marginalizing vulnerable groups.

Hate speech coming from the media has a major impact on everyday life, as the media not only shapes public opinion and attitudes but also influences social values, policies, and identities. When the media spreads hate speech or reinforces divisions, it can have serious consequences.

Such speech is harmful to society and can manifest itself in different ways, from direct insults and discrimination to less visible forms of hatred, such as microaggressions and stereotyping. It can often have a destructive effect on individuals, communities, and the whole of society.

Written by Metamorphosis Foundation

Originally published on Global Voices

Celebration of Black Consciousness Day in Palmares, in 2023. Photo: Rovena Rosa/Agência Brasil, used with permission.

For the first time, this November 20 was a national holiday in Brazil to mark and remember Black Consciousness Day. The date was added to school calendars in 2003 and officially recognized by then president Dilma Rousseff in 2011, but it was only celebrated in certain cities and states until now. 

It remembers the death of Zumbi dos Palmares, the historical leader of the Quilombo dos Palmares, in 1695. Quilombos were communities formed by people of African descent who escaped slavery in Brazil during the colonial period, while nowadays, the term refers to contemporary hinterland settlements formed by individuals of African descent with cultural or historical links to the territory in both urban and rural areas.

Senator Paulo Paim (Workers’ Party — PT), one of the four Black parliamentarians who worked on the discussion and elaboration of the 1988 Constitution, a document that advanced the discussion on racial issues in Brazil and criminalized racism, said about the importance of the date:

Vai além de poder ser um feriado; é um momento de consciência, de debate, de diálogo sobre todas as formas de preconceito, discriminação e racismo que atinge toda a sociedade.

It goes beyond simply being a holiday; it's a moment of consciousness, of debating, of dialogue about all forms of prejudice, discrimination and racism that hits the entire society.

The latest national census, from 2022, registered the majority of the Brazilian population self-identifying as mixed ethnicity (pardos) for the first time. According to IBGE (Brazilian Institute for Geography and Statistics), 45.3 percent of Brazilians identify as such, while 10.2 percent as Black. The sum of these two groups forms the entirety of the Afro-descendent population among the estimated 203 million inhabitants in the country.

Despite advancements in affirmative action policies, this population still struggles with the effects of structural racism in Brazilian society with vicious effects, like being the main target of police violence — almost 90 percent of the people killed by police forces in 2023 were Black.

Who was Zumbi?

Map showing the Quilombo dos Palmares region in the 17th century and Zumbi, one of its leaders. Art over images. Public domain.

There are several versions of the life of Zumbi dos Palmares, the man who once led the largest quilombo in Brazil. It is believed he was born around 1655 in the region known as Serra da Barriga, where Palmares was located, between the north portion of Alagoas state and the south of Pernambuco, and taken by settlers (bandeirantes). Later on, around the age of 23, Zumbi would escape and become Palmares’ leader.

Historian Jean Marcel Carvalho França, co-author of a book entitled ”Three times Zumbi: The Construction of a Brazilian hero” (“Três vezes Zumbi: A construção de um herói brasileiro”), noted to Superinteressante magazine that historical documentation about Zumbi is not only very scarce but also usually written by Europeans sources:

É difícil saber, porque você não tem descrições diretas do Zumbi. Você tem descrições das batalhas. Você tem descrições das organizações do Quilombo. Agora sobre o Zumbi especificamente você não tem quase dado nenhum.

It is hard to know because you don't have direct descriptions of Zumbi. You have descriptions of the battles, you have descriptions of the organization within the quilombo. About Zumbi specifically you almost have no data at all.

Around 1680, Palmares would start a period of decay, and a decade later, an expedition was sent to annihilate it. The settler leading this mission was promised land in the region and also the agreement that he could turn some of the inhabitants into his slaves. Zumbi fled for over a year, as the story is usually told.

On November 20 1695, after one of his companions exposed his whereabouts, Zumbi dos Palmares was ambushed and killed. His head was cut off and displayed in a public square in Recife, Pernambuco's state capital.

Today, the term quilombo is used to define hinterland settlements in Brazil and “quilombolas,” the people who live in it. According to the 2022 census, the country has 1.3 million quilombolas living in 7,666 communities and 8,441 places. The northeastern region concentrates 68.1 percent of this population. The Palmares Cultural Foundation, which is responsible for officially recognizing the territories, has already issued 3,103 certificates.

A group to remember 

Black Consciousness March in São Paulo, in 2023, with posters saying ‘Enough with the slaughter. Black people alive!’ and Black Movement Unified. Photo: Paulo Pinto/Agência Brasil/Used with permission

The date marking the death of Zumbi was first suggested in the 1970s as a remembrance day by the cultural and political activist Palmares Group, in Porto Alegre, the capital of the southernmost state of Brazil.

Palmares’ members wanted a day that would celebrate and center on Afro-Brazilian people, opposing May 13, the day commemorating the abolition of slavery that used to remember Princess Isabel‘s role more than any Black personality. She signed the Golden Law in 1888, caving to the growing abolitionist movement, after its approval in Congress, while her father, Emperor Peter II, was abroad.

One of the main markets of the slave trade in the Atlantic Ocean, Brazil was the last country in the Western Hemisphere to abolish slavery. It is estimated that the country received the largest part of the 12 million African people abducted by traffickers and brought by force to the Americas.

On November 20, 1971, members of the Palmares Group held an event to celebrate the date for the first time, and this would later inspire movements in other regions. At the time, Brazil had been living under a military dictatorship for almost a decade already, and the group was monitored by the regime, as told in a story published by local news outlet Matinal in 2021.

Matinal mentions documents available at the National Archive that include a file on the poet Oliveira Silveira, one of Palmares Group's leaders and one of the people responsible for the ideation of Black Consciousness Day. One of the records says: ”The insistence of ‘awakening a Black consciousness’ among Brazilians of African descent raises concerns.”

The monitoring of the group was no exception. As it did to other social movements, the military dictatorship that lasted 21 years in Brazil also eyed Black movements, monitoring, persecuting and causing their militants to become victims of actions that tried to stop the advancement of racial discussions, as remembered by the government site Revealed Memories (“Memórias Reveladas”).

Naiara Silveira, Oliveira's daughter, told Matinal the group had to ask for permission to have their 1971 event as well. Now, more than 50 years later, she celebrated the day by honoring her father's legacy and the gaucho southern heritage of Black Brazilians.

On November 21, the federal government, acting in the name of the Brazilian state, apologized for enslaving people and the effects of slavery later on. As reported by Agência Brasil, the Human Rights Minister Macaé Evaristo said:

A gente sabe que essa memória está na construção da sociedade brasileira de mais de 300 anos de escravatura, ela não acaba no 13 de maio. Porque o 14 de maio começa com o total abandono da população negra no país. Ele começa com a total ausência de políticas públicas. Ele começa com a negação da nossa humanidade.

We know that this memory is built into Brazilian society from over 300 years of slavery, it doesn't end with May 13 [when the abolition was signed]. Because May 14 starts with the total abandonment of the African descent population in this country. It starts with a total absence of public policies. It starts with the denial of our humanity

Written by Global Voices Brazil