This article written by Afifah Fitriyani was originally published by EngageMedia, a non-profit media, technology, and culture organization, and an edited version is republished here as part of a content-sharing agreement with Global Voices.
Students and youth activists were at the forefront of the massive 2024 protests in Bangladesh demanding the reform of a controversial quota system for government jobs that prioritized descendants of freedom fighters, many of whom are politically connected to the ruling party. The subsequent escalation of violence and state repression included an eight-day internet shutdown that severely restricted communication and coordination among protesters.
This situation is not unique to Bangladesh. In 2019, Indonesian students protested against a revision of the Penal Code that threatened free speech. The government responded with internet shutdowns and police brutality against protesters, which prevented student activists from being able to organize and report the protest live, as well as seeking safety from the repression subjected against them. Over 50 people died in that protest, with no accountability steps taken to this day.
Recent protests in Indonesia have mirrored those in Bangladesh, with the youth again leading the charge. On August 22, 2024, Indonesian students protested the proposed amendment to lower the age limit requirement of a gubernatorial candidate under the Regional Election Law, which would allow the president’s second son to run for governor of Jakarta. This move is seen by many as the president’s attempt to further consolidate power within his family members; previously, amendments to lower the age limit for vice-presidential candidates had also been granted by the country’s constitutional court — a move that later allowed the president’s first son to run as vice president, and later win the election.
Read more: Lessons from Indonesia's 2024 election: Social media, censorship, and youth vote
With the possibility of yet another internet shutdown and repressive state violence, Indonesian youth are bracing for repression similar to what they faced in 2019, and are looking to Bangladesh to learn how to maintain the movement and momentum amidst these challenges.
Watch the first episode of Pretty Good Podcast Youth here featuring an interview with Activate Rights’ founders:
How to Survive With — and Without — the Internet
What can student protests from Indonesia learn from their Bangladeshi counterparts? According to Shoeb Abdullah and Subinoy Eron, co-founders of youth-lead digital rights organization Activate Rights, while social media has played a significant role in amplifying the messages of these movements, the internet blackouts in Bangladesh made it clear that protesters needed alternative ways to communicate. Shoeb explained how people turned to grassroots methods during the shutdown: “We relied on face-to-face conversations and pamphlets to get our points across. The blackout forced us to be more creative, and that actually strengthened the movement.”
Thus, the movement persisted. Shoeb adds, “The internet shutdown was meant to stifle us, but it had the opposite effect. People found ways to organize offline, and the protests continued, more determined than ever.”
In the Indonesian context, where social media has similarly been a powerful tool for student protests, the lesson from Bangladesh’s movement under an internet blackout offers valuable insights. While Indonesia hasn’t yet faced nationwide internet shutdowns during protests, reliance on mainstream digital platforms could become a vulnerability. Alternative communication and information methods should be explored to ensure that connections are maintained when the government restricts mainstream channels.
Read More: EngageMedia’s Toolkit on Circumventing Internet Censorship and Content Filtering
Adopting offline strategies like face-to-face organizing, pamphlets, and community gatherings could also enhance resilience in case of restrictions. These grassroots approaches not only ensure the continuity of the movement but could also strengthen solidarity and trust among protesters, deepening the connection to local communities, which is vital for sustained resistance.
A lesson in the leaderless model
The Bangladeshi youth activists also emphasized the importance of “leaderless” movements, a key feature of the Gen-Z Revolution. The 2024 student movement was independently organized, sharing only common goals and demands. The protests and actions were decentralized, with no formal leaders. Students and civilians alike are regarded as equal comrades, coordinating protests and disseminating information and resources both online and offline, through word of mouth and social media.
This model leads to a less hierarchical, more collective mindset that allows more people to stake their belonging in the movement and goals. It also opens doors for more non-traditional communities to chime in and participate in the actions — in more ways than one. “People would hide student activists in their houses to prevent them from being caught by authorities,” Eron shared. “Neighborhood aunties would also pour hot water from their balconies onto police officers who were brutalizing student protesters in the streets. It was a powerful moment of true solidarity.”
Read more: ‘Peringatan Darurat’: Youth-led protest against corruption and nepotism in Indonesia
Student protests in Indonesia have historically been a powerful force for political change, most notably during the fall of Suharto in 1998. In recent years, students have mobilized around key issues such as corruption, labor rights, and environmental concerns, with notable protests against the 2019 revisions to the Criminal Code and the 2020 omnibus law. However, the protests often face challenges such as government crackdowns, disinformation campaigns, and divisions within the movement itself. As the political landscape becomes more complex, with increasing attempts to curtail democratic freedoms, student protests are at a critical juncture. What happens next will depend on the ability of these movements to adapt and innovate in their methods. As seen in the Bangladeshi example, embracing alternative communication strategies and fostering stronger offline networks could be crucial. Moving forward, student movements must also strengthen their alliances with broader civil society, building a unified front capable of resisting authoritarian tendencies and influencing meaningful policy change.
Despite the government’s efforts to silence them, both Shoeb and Eron are optimistic about the future, campaigning the importance of solidarity and empathy in building strong movements. “We are connected in this fight for justice,” Shoeb concluded. “Indonesian youth and Bangladeshi youth are facing the same struggles, and it’s through solidarity that we can support each other and keep the movement alive.”