Originally published on Global Voices

Photo featuring the term ‘hate speech’ in Albanian, generated with artificial intelligence in Canva by the Portalb.mk team. Used with permission.

This article by Despina Kovachevska was originally published by Meta.mk. An edited version is republished here under a content-sharing agreement between Global Voices and Metamorphosis Foundation. 

The deputy prime minister for good governance policies of North Macedonia, Arben Fetai, announced on his Facebook profile that he received a death threat on his official email on November 8, 2024. In less than half a day, media outlets reported on his status along with verbatim hate speech quotes in the headlines of their articles, writes Portalb.mk.

This is not the first time the media has carelessly published politicians’ statements without critically analyzing them, using the situation to generate sensationalism and boost their viewership. Such journalism has numerous harmful consequences, and in this case, it has only amplified and spread the hateful message promoting killing of members of an ethnic group throughout the media.

The news was first published on Alsat quoting the entire threatening message in the article’s title, without providing any context or critical view of the event.

Screenshot of media article containing direct quote of hate speech in the headline: “BULLET IN THE HEAD FOR YOU SHIPO FETAI” / Deputy PM Arben Fetai's life threats.”

Anti-Albanian hate speech often uses the term “shiptar” or variants, like “shipo,” which is based on debasement for the Albanian term for Albanian, “shqiptar.” It is considered derogatory in a similar manner to the N-word in the US.

On the media aggregator Time.mk, one can see that out of several articles that report on the event, half of them contain the same threatening message in the title and thus fuel hate speech even more, especially in the comments below the news.

Although most media outlets do this to get clicks, this practice contributes to hate messages becoming dominant in the media sphere, increasing the risk of supporting negative and dangerous tendencies in society.

Hate speech is an increasingly common phenomenon on the internet, especially in comments on social media. Media outlets, instead of critically reporting on this phenomenon, are becoming the main spreaders of such messages.

This is the second instance of hate speech within one week conveying the same message, this time scrawled on the wall of a building in front of the Constitutional Court of North Macedonia in Skopje. Although the graffiti was removed by November 1, after the Portalb.mk team alerted the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the situation became much more complicated online.

Hate speech graffiti in Skopje, North Macedonia, with the text ‘DEAD SHIPTAR!!!’ painted across the entrance of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of North Macedonia. Photo by Portalb.mk, used with permission.

While the swift response from institutions is a positive example of taking action against the spread of hate in physical spaces, the lack of regulation in the digital realm remains a significant issue.

In the online realm, aggressive and harmful expressions of hatred and misinformation often remain unpunished for extended periods, with mechanisms for swift removal being notably inadequate. What is lacking are concrete and effective strategies to monitor and eliminate harmful content on the internet. While laws and regulations, such as the Digital Services Act, can help manage this area, they also require active participation from social media platforms and society as a whole in the battle against hate and misinformation online.

The media plays a key role in polarizing societies

Frequently repeating the same message can have negative effects, particularly in media coverage during emotionally charged and politically divided times. When society is polarized, the media are often compelled to take sides or favor one narrative over another, which can further entrench preexisting divisions.

In such conditions, the media should take responsibility for balancing narratives and work to reduce divisions by focusing on constructive dialogue, fact-checking and objective reporting. It is also important to develop mechanisms that will protect the media from political or economic influence and encourage journalists to commit to ethical reporting.

The media are not merely messengers of information; they serve as interpreters and curators, selecting and framing content to help audiences make sense of complex issues.

The media landscape in the Western Balkans is highly polarized, with close ties between media ownership and political elites fostering an environment where investigative journalism is rare, and self-censorship is pervasive. These dynamics significantly undermine the media's role as a democratic watchdog, limiting its capacity to hold power accountable and promote informed public discourse. Instead of challenging entrenched power structures, many media outlets serve as tools for political propaganda or profit-driven sensationalism.

No meaningful response to hate speech

Hate speech, both online and in public spaces, remains a pressing issue in the region. Despite the existence of legislation criminalizing hate speech, institutional responses are often inadequate. Enforcement is inconsistent, selective, or entirely absent, which emboldens perpetrators and allows harmful rhetoric to permeate public discourse unchecked.

In our experience, despite reporting multiple instances of cybercrimes involving hate speech, we have received no meaningful response or action from relevant institutions. This lack of accountability not only undermines trust in the system but also enables hate speech to flourish, further polarizing society and marginalizing vulnerable groups.

Hate speech coming from the media has a major impact on everyday life, as the media not only shapes public opinion and attitudes but also influences social values, policies, and identities. When the media spreads hate speech or reinforces divisions, it can have serious consequences.

Such speech is harmful to society and can manifest itself in different ways, from direct insults and discrimination to less visible forms of hatred, such as microaggressions and stereotyping. It can often have a destructive effect on individuals, communities, and the whole of society.

Written by Metamorphosis Foundation

Originally published on Global Voices

#StoriesThatInspire. Meet 10 activists who use digital media to strengthen and promote Mayan languages ​​in Mexico.

Photo of Carlos Alberto Chi Chan, used with his permission.

Read the inspiring story of one of the grantees selected for the 2024 Mayan Language Digital Activism Fellowship, organized by Rising Voices. In this personal essay, the author shares his story of activism and the project with which he seeks to promote his native language within his community and online.

My name is Carlos Alberto Chi Chan, I am 24 years old and I belong to the Maayat'aan (Yucatec Maya). I speak and write in my native language; in this way I explore my roots and what it means to understand my local worldview. For me my language is essential; since I was born I have listened to it and surrounded myself with it, and, although throughout my life I have found myself in situations where I have experienced discrimination, that has not prevented me from continuing to express myself in Mayan.

I am from the municipality of Dzitbalché, located in the state of Campeche, Mexico. My community is known for its poetry, “The songs of Dzitbalché.” Life in my community is calm with beautiful sunsets. This tranquility allows me to go downtown in the afternoons to talk and listen to the stories of the people I meet. I like the patron saint festival season held during the month of August, when we watch fireworks at night and listen to the traditional music of Yucatán, “jarana,” while the party called “vaquería” takes place.

Sunset in Dzitbalché Photo: Carlos Alberto Chi Chan. Used with permission.

I am currently studying for a degree in Mayan Language and Culture, which has helped me reconnect with my roots by understanding that my language is not only the word or the writing, but is part of the worldview that allows me to give meaning to my environment.

From greeting each other with “bix a beel” (“how is your path?”), to the response of “ma'loob” (“good, free of weeds”), they lead me to reflect on everything that goes unnoticed in everyday speech. Within each language there is a great variety of phrases and words that capture different ways of understanding the environment, giving way to what we call culture.

Strengthening the Mayan language in my community

My history in language activism began when, along with my classmates, I carried out a project to adapt and translate everyday games, like the lottery, into Mayan. The goal was to revitalize and spread the language of our community both orally and in writing. People of all ages participated and more than once I ended up hearing “I know how to speak Mayan, but I don’t know how to read or write in my language.”

The Mayan language is the second most spoken language group in Mexico according to statistics, but I would like the presence of the Mayan language to come out of the statistics so that it becomes a reality. I want to hear it on a daily basis but also see it in writing where we can express our stories, tales and histories. This was what motivated me and my classmates to continue with more activities to promote linguistic revitalization in my community.

Currently, as part of the Rising Voices Digital Activism Program for Mayan Languages, I am developing a project aimed at the children of my community, with the goal of promoting education of Mayan reading and writing along with the rediscovery of our roots. This will be achieved through a series of workshops for the creation of stickers that can be shared physically and digitally.

With this project, I seek to strengthen community ties and create safe spaces so that the children and adolescents of my community feel free to speak their language and spread their worldview through creative processes that involve writing, drawing, and research, based on the fact that language is a collective process where we learn from all people.

Playing lottery in Uicam Mayan in Dzitbalché, Campeche. Photo: Irene Cauich Col. Used with permission.

Digital media, an ally in linguistic revitalization

An important tool in the process of linguistic revitalization and dissemination is the use of digital media, as it allows us to share and make visible our language, as well as document our knowledge. The creation of stickers will also involve strengthening my knowledge of the use of digital tools and sharing them with children so that they can use them to support our language.

My actions seek to plant a seed in children so that they can develop a greater understanding of the local worldview from the Mayan language. I hope that this project serves as an inspiration for more young people to be agents of change in their communities and that there is evidence that it is possible to promote native languages ​​in digital media, despite the stigma surrounding them. Change begins by creating support networks in the community and for the community.

Follow my project on the Facebook page “U boonil Dzitbalché”

Written by Carlos Alberto Chi Chan Translated by Teodora C. Hasegan · View original post [es]

Originally published on Global Voices

Illustration by Zena El Abdalla. Used with permission.

This post by Giulia Crisci was first published by UntoldMag on September 13, 2024. This edited version is republished on Global Voices as part of a content-sharing agreement. 

In the noisy center of Algiers, in a café near the Grande Poste, Medjeda Zouine and Nadjoua Rahem, journalists from Algeria’s first web radio Radio Voix de Femmes, introduce me to their daily work. Active since 1995, Radio Voix de Femmes is based at the Maison de la Presse, a symbolic place of the journalists’ resistance during the Algerian civil war,  or the “Decénnie Noire” (black decade). Zouine and Rahem record in the Maison de la Presse’s studio and  broadcast their work on YouTube. The name of the project signifies the intent: to take as much space as possible to report on the stories of women in Algeria.

The meeting with Medjeda and Nadjoua is only the first in what would be a month of research in Algiers, listening to the voices that populate the airwaves and web spaces. I am a guest in the house that once belonged to Mohamed Khadda (1930–1991), painter and militant of the independence movement, a space that is being transformed into a cultural center and residence by the Rhizome gallery. The walls are lined still with some of the Khadda’s old posters promoting conferences and exhibitions such as the Day for the Preservation of Orality and the International Symposium on African Orality.

One of the posters in Mohamed Khadda’s house, promoting a festival for the safeguarding of orality. Used with permission.

These posters take me back to Ici la voix de l’Algérie, Frantz Fanon’s text on the decisive role for the revolution of a particular form of orality, that of radio. During the years of colonization, Radio-Alger was a platform where “the French speak to the French.” The Algerian population, in their rejection of and disinterest in the voice of the colonizer, did not own any radio equipment until 1955–56.

Then, in 1956, the turning point: on December 16, with the announcement “Here is the Radio of Free and Fighting Algeria,” the clandestine radio inaugurated its broadcasting to the Algerian people. In less than 20 days all the devices sold out. Now one could finally hear “The Voice of free and fighting Algeria.” Broadcast from an unspecified place, it encountered the complicity of Egypt, Syria, and a network of Arab countries that relied on radio frequencies, avoiding sabotage of the airwaves by the colonial power.

Discontinuous and often interrupted, the radio liberated new languages, beginning to finally make the idea of an independent nation possible and true.

From waves to podcast

Today, the Algerian government’s regulations on  broadcasting both on the airwaves and on the web are demanding. Authorizations are so difficult to obtain that the number of private radio stations can be counted on one hand and, people commonly speak of radio as a state monopoly.

Yet new radio productions are born every week, circumventing government hurdles through podcasting and social media platforms. All it takes is a smartphone  to record, and from that anyone can launch a new series on Instagram, YouTube, Soundcloud or Spotify.

On Instagram for example, the authors of Radio Voix de Femme, protagonists of the broad, plural and vibrant feminist movement, have recently launched Laha_podcast, a program outside their established radio format. They talk about the projects of Algerian women artists and their successes, but also about the violence or strong discrimination women endure, sanctioned by the Algerian Family Code, which still establishes de facto subordination of women to fathers, brothers or husbands. For example, in cases of divorce or inheritance, women are disadvantaged over their male counterparts.

“Women’s voice is a revolution, as is that of all oppressed people,” Besma Ait, author of the podcast Thawra (revolution), tells me. “Women’s voice is a revolution” (صوت المرأة ثورة – sawt el mar'a thawra) is a slogan from the Egyptian feminist movement that was shouted in the streets during the Arab Spring. It is a play on words, by changing a single letter in an old saying from the Muslim canonical oral tradition: “the voice of women brings shame” (صوت المرأة عورة – sawt el mar'a ‘awra).

The Thawra podcast debuted in February 2024, driven by the need for feminist activists’ stories to be heard. The stories unfold through long conversations, removing the factors of time and urgency.

Its initiator, Besma, is part of a new generation of feminists trying to create continuity between struggles and maintain a dialogue between women who have experienced very different events: from the traumatic violence of Islamic terrorism, to the worsening changes in the Family Code, to the feminist fringe that marched every Friday for a little over a year during Hirak, the 2019 movement of democratic demands, which, after securing the resignation of President Abdelaziz Bouteflika, was abruptly hit by arrests and violence until it was interrupted by the government in March 2020 with the advent of the pandemic.

Besma conveys to me the importance of this genealogy of struggles, which comes first and foremost from the women in her family. Her grandmother was a mujaheddine (a term the FLN used for its warriors, meaning “those who struggle for the sake of a sacred cause”), part of the National Liberation Front (FLN) operating in France. “The story of exile is intertwined with that of the first anti-colonial struggle exported to enemy soil,” she adds.

I follow her as she weaves the biography of her grandmother, who escaped from the Petite Roquette women’s prison in Paris, into the collection of stories recounted in the podcast episodes. The first episode tells the story of Fadila Boumendjel Chitour, an endocrinologist, human rights activist, and co-founder of Réseau Wassila, an important support network for women who suffer violence, based in Algiers.

Madame Chitour comes to feminist consciousness through the practice of social medicine, treating the visible and invisible effects of violence and torture. Saadia Gacem, another interviewee, is also part of the Réseau Wassila, but is particularly involved in research on the Family Code and the treatment women receive in Algerian courts. Finally, Saadia carries out a valuable collective work, Archives des luttes des femmes en Algerie, because the history of such a powerful movement is still unwritten. Thawra itself fits into this same groove,  as an artform that could be described as oral history.

‘Sound is the future of struggles’ 

Besma waves me off to join the feminist creation program, organized by the Journal Féministe Algérien, which founder Amel Hadjadj and trainer Khadidja Markemal will tell me about a few days later.

Khadidja is a refined and sharp sound artist, and in her works she manages to vividly render the sound images of a street or a neighborhood. At the end of our meeting, she hands me, on a USB stick, Sisters with Transistors, a film about women pioneers of sound experimentation and electronic music. Some, like Daphne Oram or Delia Derbyshire, made radio history.

Screenshot from the film “Sisters with transistors.” Fair use.

One of the recurring points in our conversations is the lack of women technical figures in the audiovisual world who can independently fabricate their own narrative. In response to this gap, the Journal Féministe Algérien‘s feminist content creation training program began in 2020, aimed at activists from various Algerian realities, groups, and collectives.

In the newspaper’s headquarters, a large flat overlooking the bay of Algiers, Amel Hadjadj shows me a room that can be transformed, if necessary, into a recording studio, soundproofed by mattresses. Stored inside a cupboard, all the material is available not only to the editorial staff, but to members of the public who need it for their projects.

“Sound is the future of struggles,” says Amel, as we talk. She finds in the discreetness of the recorder the perfect conditions to capture the words of women, often hesitant in the presence of a camera. Sound, whilst maintaining the subjectivity of each voice, protects those at risk, such as LGBTQ+ people, from recognition.

“In addition,” she continues, “the podcast is a form that allows women, for whom sitting in front of a screen is a luxury few can afford, to continue to inform themselves and listen to other women as they run between their housework and caring jobs.”

At the end of this edition, the podcasts will be co-signed and will “belong” to all participating feminist realities, for example, the very young group Algerian Feminists. Initially an Instagram page created by Ouarda Souidi in 2019, it later became a full-fledged collective. Algerian Feminists want to contribute as part of the new generation to feminist struggles, reacting to the invisibility of women in society and the feminist movement’s initiatives. They publish monthly bulletins about actions in the country, speaking to as many women as possible through the creation of content mainly in Algerian Darija.

They recently published their first podcast dedicated to menstruation, which is a social taboo in Algeria. The episode contains ten testimonies that hold together a polyphonic account of the turning point of menstruation in a girl’s life, a threshold crossed often without any preparation.

The blood on the thighs, the first explanation from the mother or the first attempt to wear a tampon, micro-memories followed by an awareness: menarche is a rite of passage. For some it is a ticket to the circle of women in the family gathered in the courtyard, to their confidences, to the possibility of shaving together, but for others it can also mark the beginning of dress injunctions, the change of looks, and new social norms. One of the voices reveals: “My mother told me to keep it a secret from my father, otherwise he wouldn’t let me play with my cousins anymore.”

Listening to the real otherwise

Ouardia accurately translates these words to me through a series of voice messages and then adds: “Have you listened to Femmes sérieuses, travailleuses, non fumeuses yet?”

This is a sound documentary by Sonia Ahnou, an artist and filmmaker currently living in France. The documentary is an immersion in the life of a young woman who decides to live alone in Algiers. The title ironically takes up a recurrent formula in real estate advertisements.

“What will the neighbors think of me, of the girl who lives alone on the third floor? I went to ask them with microphone in hand.” This is how the story begins, bristling with many other experiences that portray the difficulty of achieving one’s independence even in the capital.

If oppression is systemic, it quickly becomes a business. The interviewees denounce the constant refusals to rent, or the abusive restrictions imposed, and even the rising rents for single women. “That’s also how you do segregation,” concludes one of them, in a firm voice.

Sonia has also passed through a strong network of militant realities that constitute the richness of the Algerian art scene. A key node is Habiba Djahanine, feminist filmmaker and poet, co-founder of the Cinéma-Mémoire collective. Since 2007, first in Bejaia and then in Timimoun in the Algerian desert, the collective has been accompanying young people for a year of training in documentary filmmaking.

All the people I met have a story that links them to Habiba and the ateliers, often an important turning point in their journey.

At the end of my residency, I invited Habiba, who was passing through Algiers,  to share some of the sound creations from their rich archive. We are currently planning a collective listening session with a small circle of women with a sound project or who are building one.

What are feminisms if not a series of practices to break the silence, to listen to the self and the other?

So, at the beginning of the afternoon, sitting on the carpet of Mon Autre École (my other school), an important place for training and artistic creation, we immerse ourselves in listening to “Mon peuple, les femmes” (My people, the women). The author, Sara, stitches together fragments of intimate conversations between feminists — “Why are you a feminist? I don’t see why I shouldn’t be!” — or of a mother discussing with her daughter the choice to live alone, and, again, testimonies of actions against femicide, and support for those who have suffered violence.

To free the world, anonymity is necessary. It is necessary to dare to tell of radical choices, such as the choice to no longer enter into any intimate relationships with men.

In 2021, the Cinéma-mémoire line-up abandoned the visual element to devote itself entirely to the soundscape.

We listen to the works, which, with a great variety of themes and artistic choices, take us to the oasis of Timimoun. Those by Assia Khemici and Lila Bouchenaf let us cross the threshold of women's spaces, the liminal zones between inside and outside, between domestic and collective space. Without a trace of exoticism or voyeurism, no frame separates us from the landscape, we are inside with them.

In all the creations I have heard so far, the power of these voices and sounds resonates to question the hegemonic narratives of a purely ocular world, which leaves out anything that cannot be captured visually. Then the microphone becomes the possibility of breaking this imposed order, of contributing to a polyphonic rewriting, becoming again the subject of one’s own history. As Habiba tells us, after all, everything we do is a continuous attempt to transform the real in order to be able to look or listen to it otherwise.

Written by UntoldMag

Originally published on Global Voices

#StoriesThatInspire. Meet 10 activists who use digital media to strengthen and promote Mayan languages ​​in Mexico.

Photo by Marlene Sanchez, used with her permission.

Learn about the inspiring story of one of the grantees selected for the 2024 Mayan Language Digital Activism Fellowship organized by Rising Voices. In this personal essay, the author shares about her experience in activism and the project through which she seeks to promote her native language, within her community and in digital spaces.

My name is Marlene Sánchez Guzmán, I am 28 years old and I graduated from an agri-food engineering program. I currently work in the production of organic vegetables that is environmentally friendly, which allows me to offer healthy food and strengthen the local rural economy. I am a woman who speaks the Ch'ol language and I have the ability to write in my language. I am proudly from the communal land of Hidalgo Joshil, Municipality of Tumbalá, Chiapas, Mexico.

In my community, almost everyone speaks the Ch'ol language. We grow coffee, corn and beans, we keep much of the empirical knowledge of our grandparents and the custom of greeting each other in our language. There are different ways of greeting, for example: “como latyo ñumikoñ majlel (I'm passing by here), “koñix kermañu” (see you brother), “latyomajlikoñ” (goodbye). The way we express ourselves in Ch'ol is very beautiful and unique.

My language is my identity, it is the connection to the place where I come from. The word Ch’ol comes from cholel (milpa, a corn crop) and it is a legacy that our parents left us and that we will leave to our next generations. Knowing how to speak my native language helps me so that the people of my community trust me to express themselves without fear, and the most beautiful thing of all is that it allows me to converse with our elders, who express to me their feelings, their knowledge and the worldviews that they have of our community. My language is a wealth planted in a grain.

Hidalgo Joshil ejido, Municipality of Tumbalá, Chiapas, Mexico / Photo: Marlene Sánchez. Used with permission.

Theater as an opportunity to strengthen the Ch’ol language

The community work I do promotes and revitalizes the Ch'ol language in my community, because I want more people to see it as a privilege and not as a limitation. In my experience, speaking my language is not an obstacle, since I have had to work with communities that speak Ch'ol and for them it is a great relief to share knowledge in their own language.

As part of the 2024 Mayan Language Digital Activism Program, I am carrying out a community project so that more youth and children in the community become aware of the importance of their language. Among my activities is teaching workshops to create and write theater scripts in Ch'ol. The characters will come to life through puppets, which will be handled by the participants.

The plays will be recorded on videos and broadcast on different digital platforms, and we will also make short videos of the activities so that they can continue to be replicated later and so that our roots stay alive.

Comedy play in Ch'ol with puppets / Photo: Marlene Sánchez. Used with permission.

Keeping alive the roots of Indigenous peoples through language

For me, it is very important to create projects that help my community, especially in the cultural field, since many young people are interested in doing this type of activities.

One of the aspects that motivated me to do this project was the little value that is given to the mother tongue. Sometimes, out of shame or embarrassment, children begin to speak Spanish first and then they are taught their native language. Migration has also had an influence, since families go to work in the city and children grow up outside their community, and when they return, they come back with the idea that they are not from the same roots as their parents.

Given this situation, it is essential to rescue and revitalize our Ch'ol language as a first language, through activities that help understand its importance and its link to our identity.

I would like there to be more cultural spaces in my community where children, youth, mothers and fathers can participate, and that there are projects focused on the Ch'ol language in all communities and ejidos (communal lands), not just in towns. In the future, I would like to have a cultural space where our stories, worldviews and the knowledge of our people can be documented and represented; a space to promote culture and traditions so that our language remains alive in the hearts of future generations.

As part of my activism, I seek to ensure that all people have the same rights, including that of speaking our language. We must recognize that we are one spirit, we are brothers. In my language we say that “añ lajwuty” (we have fruit), “añ laj kuxtyälel” (we have spirit) “yik'oty añ la yäxñälel” (we also have an identity). Maintaining the cultural and linguistic diversity of our country is in our hands.

My connection with other Ch'ol-speaking communities / Photo: Social Service Team. Used with permission.

I want to send a message to the children and youth of my community and of different regions. I want them to know that we can begin to take action in our communities by using digital media and technology as tools to promote our language. Let us be an inspiration and join forces so that no one is ashamed of speaking an Indigenous language.

It is important to use the technology that has reached so many places, even in the most marginalized rural areas. Today, technology has advanced and will not cause us harm as long as we can use it and it allows us to continue being who we are. Therefore, I would like more people to join digital activism so that we take digital media and technology into our hands, because we have the capacity and an identity to promote, without having to be ashamed of speaking our language in public.

I will continue working so that there is respect for all peoples, without discrimination, because all people have the capacity to create and develop actions for our communities. Let us recognize our value and the knowledge that lies in our thoughts and in our hearts.

Wokox awälä piälob muk´bä a kajel a pejkañ ilij tsijbuyaj yom milaj chäñ chaleñ tyañ tyi ch’ol. (Thank you very much to everyone who is going to read this short story, let's continue speaking in our Ch'ol language)

Follow my work on Facebook through the Ch’ol Community Network and on YouTube
@MarleneSanchezGuzman

Written by Marlene Sánchez Guzmán Translated by Teodora C. Hasegan · View original post [es]

Originally published on Global Voices

Image by Pete Linforth from Pixabay. Used Under a Pixabay License.

Pakistan has once again demonstrated authoritarian tendencies by announcing the blocking of “illegal Virtual Private Networks (VPNs),” citing their alleged use in facilitating terrorist activities and accessing blasphemous or pornographic content. As per the reinforced VPN regulation strategy, users must submit an application detailing the legal purpose of their VPN use to the Pakistan Telecommunication Authority (PTA) and wait for approval. The PTA has set a deadline of November 30 to register VPNs, warning of a nationwide crackdown starting on December 1. To facilitate this process, PTA has launched an online portal to whitelist IP addresses and register VPNs, aimed at supporting software houses, call centers, banks, embassies, and freelancers. The PTA first introduced VPN registration in July 2020.

As citizens were already grappling with the news of the impending VPN ban, reports have begun surfacing about the blocking of Bluesky, an open source social media platform gaining popularity in Pakistan following the ban on X (formerly Twitter) earlier this year.

Digital rights activist Usama Khilji posted on X:

Pakistan is likely the first country to block access to @bluesky, continuing the trend of restrictions on the internet in Pakistan, violating the fundamental rights of speech & access to information. https://t.co/0QLKM1kOAu

— Usama Khilji (@UsamaKhilji) November 20, 2024

Since February 2024, using VPNs has become common practice following the ban on X after the general elections. Ironically, government representatives have continued using the platform despite imposing the restriction. Internet users have consistently complained about deteriorating internet quality since this government came into power. On November 10, users across multiple platforms, including X, voiced concerns about VPN throttling and slow internet access, amplifying frustrations about restricted digital freedoms.

Blogger Hina Safdar posted on X:

So, my Cable net is not working for X on Android device. None of the VPNs are working either. Disconnected it & Zong 4G data makes X work without any VPN.

What sorcery is this? What did I miss? What's happening in #Pakistan? #UndeclaredMartialLaw

— Release Imran Khan (@hinasafi) November 10, 2024

PTA justifying the ban

Initially, the PTA denied accusations of VPN throttling, dismissing slow speeds as a technical glitch. However, on November 13, it organized a consultation session to discuss its VPN registration framework. The session was attended by representatives from the Ministry of IT & Telecommunication (MoIT&T), Pakistan Software Export Board (PSEB), and the Pakistan IT Association (P@SHA).

Following the PTA's announcement of the ban on illegal VPNs, the regulator claimed that nearly 20 million attempts were made daily from within Pakistan to access pornographic websites. Additionally, it reported blocking over 100,000 URLs containing blasphemous content, as well as 844,000 pornographic websites.

In August of this year, Pakistan implemented a national firewall capable of tracking, blocking, or significantly limiting access to content it considers to be propaganda. Since then the authority is bolstering its efforts to register VPNs. On November 16, the Ministry of Interior and the Federal Investigation Agency instructed the PTA to block illegal or unregistered VPNs across Pakistan to prevent terrorists and individuals from accessing pornographic and blasphemous content.

Before the VPN ban was announced, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif congratulated US president-elect Donald Trump on his victory in the recent elections. In response, a Community Note appeared, stating, “He is using a VPN to access X, which is unlawful according to Pakistani law.”

PM Shehbaz Sharif has been caught using a VPN to bypass the @X ban in Pakistan while congratulating President -Elect @realDonaldTrump. The Community Note flags his unlawful activity, questioning the PM's actions against his own ban. pic.twitter.com/fdvw9cfwV0

— Eye on Pakistan (@eyeonpakistan_) November 8, 2024

The great Pakistan firewall

Since July 2024, Pakistanis have reported slow internet services and disruption. Bytes for All Pakistan, a research think tank, debunked the government's clarification of slow internet in its report, “Slow Internet in Pakistan and the Smokescreen of VPNs.” The report links the slow internet speeds to the trials of an upgraded web management system or a Chinese style firewall, rather than VPN usage. The report argues that these measures are part of a broader strategy aimed at monitoring and controlling online spaces.

Amid reports of disruptions to digital platforms and slow internet speeds, the government completed the second trial of its much-debated firewall aimed at blocking unwanted content in August. While Minister Shaza Fatima Khawaja initially blamed VPNs for the disruptions, the PTA later admitted that the firewall had been installed to manage social media.

Ali Ehsan, Senior Vice Chairman of P@SHA, told Global Voices via WhatsApp that the “digital siege” is severely threatening Pakistan's IT industry, pushing it to a critical point with unprecedented operational disruptions. He urged the government to adopt a collaborative cybersecurity framework that safeguards national interests without stifling innovation and growth. Emphasizing that both the economy and reliable internet are national priorities, he added, “Those acting against [them] must reconsider their decisions.”

Weaponizing religion and morals to legitimize the ban on VPNs

Meanwhile, on November 15, the Council of Islamic Ideology (CII), a constitutional advisory body, issued a fatwa (non-binding religious opinion) declaring the use of VPNs to access objectionable or anti-state content as un-Islamic. This decision sparked criticism from the public and digital rights activists. Even Rana Sanaullah, a Member of the National Assembly from the ruling party — Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) — asserted that the CII had no authority to comment on the issue.

In response to the backlash, the CII held a press conference and conveniently clarified that “only registered VPNs are permissible under Sharia.” The chairman emphasized that “social media should promote Islamic values and national security” and stressed the importance of the ethical and lawful use of social platforms.

Global Voices reached out to Barrister Ali Tahir via WhatsApp regarding the role of the Council of Islamic Ideology (CII). He said:

The CII has often been politically exploited, including its recent involvement in justifying VPN restrictions. The Pakistan Telecommunication Authority's move to register VPNs appears aimed at controlling access, yet efforts have largely faltered.

Civil society and the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) have long advocated for the disbanding of the Council of Islamic Ideology (CII), accusing it of holding regressive views that enable the state to manipulate religion to suppress dissent and justify violence against women. Critics argue that the CII functions as a tool to legitimize government actions under the guise of morality, often reinforcing conservative and discriminatory policies.

The military's role in digital oversight

On November 15, the country's most powerful figure, Chief of Army Staff (COAS) General Asim Munir, called for controlling “unrestricted” freedom of speech, linking it to the erosion of moral values. The military, which has faced increasing scrutiny on social media, has labeled criticism and fake news as “digital terrorism.” Recently, Director General of the Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) Ahmed Sharif Chaudhry, stressed the need for stricter measures to curb online propaganda.

Tahir criticized the government’s use of morality and religion as justifications for digital restrictions, citing the Twitter ban as a prime example. While officials argue these measures are intended to combat terrorism and immoral content, Tahir contends that they are primarily aimed at suppressing social media criticism and labeling dissenters as “digital terrorists.”

VPNs and the IT sector in Pakistan: A growing crisis

The use of VPNs has become increasingly prevalent globally, with over 30 percent of internet users employing VPNs to ensure online security and anonymity. On the other hand, some countries have implemented or considered VPN bans, citing concerns over national security, cybercrime, and intellectual property infringement. Pakistan's proposed VPN regulations have sparked concerns among IT professionals and businesses.

The impact of banning VPNs can be far-reaching, with significant economic and social consequences. In Pakistan, the proposed ban is expected to cost the economy around
USD 300 million per annum. Internationally, VPN bans have resulted in reduced foreign investment, decreased online commerce, and compromised cybersecurity.

Written by Ramna Saeed

Originally published on Global Voices

Afifah Fitriyani interviews Shoeb Abdullah and Subinoy Eron of Activate Rights. Image via EngageMedia. Used with permission.

This article written by Afifah Fitriyani was originally published by EngageMedia, a non-profit media, technology, and culture organization, and an edited version is republished here as part of a content-sharing agreement with Global Voices.

Students and youth activists were at the forefront of the massive 2024 protests in Bangladesh demanding the reform of a controversial quota system for government jobs that prioritized descendants of freedom fighters, many of whom are politically connected to the ruling party. The subsequent escalation of violence and state repression included an eight-day internet shutdown that severely restricted communication and coordination among protesters.

This situation is not unique to Bangladesh. In 2019, Indonesian students protested against a revision of the Penal Code that threatened free speech. The government responded with internet shutdowns and police brutality against protesters, which prevented student activists from being able to organize and report the protest live, as well as seeking safety from the repression subjected against them. Over 50 people died in that protest, with no accountability steps taken to this day.

Recent protests in Indonesia have mirrored those in Bangladesh, with the youth again leading the charge. On August 22, 2024, Indonesian students protested the proposed amendment to lower the age limit requirement of a gubernatorial candidate under the Regional Election Law, which would allow the president’s second son to run for governor of Jakarta. This move is seen by many as the president’s attempt to further consolidate power within his family members; previously, amendments to lower the age limit for vice-presidential candidates had also been granted by the country’s constitutional court — a move that later allowed the president’s first son to run as vice president, and later win the election.

Read more: Lessons from Indonesia's 2024 election: Social media, censorship, and youth vote

With the possibility of yet another internet shutdown and repressive state violence, Indonesian youth are bracing for repression similar to what they faced in 2019, and are looking to Bangladesh to learn how to maintain the movement and momentum amidst these challenges.

Watch the first episode of Pretty Good Podcast Youth here featuring an interview with Activate Rights’ founders:

How to Survive With — and Without — the Internet

What can student protests from Indonesia learn from their Bangladeshi counterparts? According to Shoeb Abdullah and Subinoy Eron, co-founders of youth-lead digital rights organization Activate Rights, while social media has played a significant role in amplifying the messages of these movements, the internet blackouts in Bangladesh made it clear that protesters needed alternative ways to communicate. Shoeb explained how people turned to grassroots methods during the shutdown: “We relied on face-to-face conversations and pamphlets to get our points across. The blackout forced us to be more creative, and that actually strengthened the movement.”

Graphics by EngageMedia. Used with permission.

Thus, the movement persisted. Shoeb adds, “The internet shutdown was meant to stifle us, but it had the opposite effect. People found ways to organize offline, and the protests continued, more determined than ever.”

In the Indonesian context, where social media has similarly been a powerful tool for student protests, the lesson from Bangladesh’s movement under an internet blackout offers valuable insights. While Indonesia hasn’t yet faced nationwide internet shutdowns during protests, reliance on mainstream digital platforms could become a vulnerability. Alternative communication and information methods should be explored to ensure that connections are maintained when the government restricts mainstream channels.

Read More: EngageMedia’s Toolkit on Circumventing Internet Censorship and Content Filtering

Adopting offline strategies like face-to-face organizing, pamphlets, and community gatherings could also enhance resilience in case of restrictions. These grassroots approaches not only ensure the continuity of the movement but could also strengthen solidarity and trust among protesters, deepening the connection to local communities, which is vital for sustained resistance.

A lesson in the leaderless model

The Bangladeshi youth activists also emphasized the importance of “leaderless” movements, a key feature of the Gen-Z Revolution. The 2024 student movement was independently organized, sharing only common goals and demands. The protests and actions were decentralized, with no formal leaders. Students and civilians alike are regarded as equal comrades, coordinating protests and disseminating information and resources both online and offline, through word of mouth and social media.

This model leads to a less hierarchical, more collective mindset that allows more people to stake their belonging in the movement and goals. It also opens doors for more non-traditional communities to chime in and participate in the actions — in more ways than one. “People would hide student activists in their houses to prevent them from being caught by authorities,” Eron shared. “Neighborhood aunties would also pour hot water from their balconies onto police officers who were brutalizing student protesters in the streets. It was a powerful moment of true solidarity.”

Read more: ‘Peringatan Darurat’: Youth-led protest against corruption and nepotism in Indonesia

Student protests in Indonesia have historically been a powerful force for political change, most notably during the fall of Suharto in 1998. In recent years, students have mobilized around key issues such as corruption, labor rights, and environmental concerns, with notable protests against the 2019 revisions to the Criminal Code and the 2020 omnibus law. However, the protests often face challenges such as government crackdowns, disinformation campaigns, and divisions within the movement itself. As the political landscape becomes more complex, with increasing attempts to curtail democratic freedoms, student protests are at a critical juncture. What happens next will depend on the ability of these movements to adapt and innovate in their methods. As seen in the Bangladeshi example, embracing alternative communication strategies and fostering stronger offline networks could be crucial. Moving forward, student movements must also strengthen their alliances with broader civil society, building a unified front capable of resisting authoritarian tendencies and influencing meaningful policy change.

Despite the government’s efforts to silence them, both Shoeb and Eron are optimistic about the future, campaigning the importance of solidarity and empathy in building strong movements. “We are connected in this fight for justice,” Shoeb concluded. “Indonesian youth and Bangladeshi youth are facing the same struggles, and it’s through solidarity that we can support each other and keep the movement alive.”

Read Global Voices Special Coverage: Turmoil in Bangladesh

Written by EngageMedia

Originally published on Global Voices

Indigenous children in Tanzania using a laptop. Image by Kureng Workx, from Pexels (Free to use).

The tech giant Google announced that 15 more African languages would be added to Voice Search, Gboard talk-to-type, and Translate dictation on October 28. The languages included are Chichewa, Hausa, Igbo, Kikuyu, Oromo, Rundi, Shona, Somali, South Ndebele, Swati, Tigrinya, Twi, Tswana, Nigerian Pidgin, and Yoruba.  

This significant milestone will enable 300 million more Africans to interact with the web using their voices, yet it also sheds light on the massive amount of work needed to close the digital gap between Africa and the rest of the world. 

The African continent is the second most populous continent in the world, with a population of over 1.34 billion people. A study published by Statista in July 2024 showed that Africa is the most multilingual continent in the world, as there are about 2,158 living languages on the continent. While about 25 percent (520) of these languages are spoken in Nigeria, 277 and 214 languages are spoken in Cameroon and the Democratic Republic of Congo, respectively. The least linguistically diverse country in Africa is Seychelles, where only four languages are spoken.

Following the announcement, Alamazan Jak, a user from Busoga, Uganda, wrote the following comment in response to the announcement in Google's translation community:

Congratulations on the exciting announcement! Expanding dictation to 13 African languages is a significant milestone. Your dedication to inclusivity and diversity is truly commendable.

However, I couldn't help but notice that Lusoga, a vital language spoken in Eastern Uganda, is not among the listed languages. As a proud speaker of Lusoga, I eagerly await its inclusion.

Could you please share any plans or timelines for adding Lusoga to Google Translate's supported languages? Your consideration would mean a great deal to the Lusoga-speaking community.

Thank you for your tireless efforts in breaking language barriers. I look forward to your response. 

This comment shows that Lusoga and thousands of other African languages are still excluded, even as users are hungry for greater language representation. Lusoga (Soga) is a language spoken by over 3 million people in Uganda.

As artificial intelligence (AI) technologies continue to develop and gain traction around the world, they are being integrated into many tools to automate daily tasks, in many cases making people's lives and work easier. Although the adoption of AI tools is growing in Africa every day, many users cannot access them in their languages yet. If languages like Soga are not included in the development of these tools, hundreds of millions of Africans may not benefit from the limitless opportunities offered by AI. This exclusion will further exacerbate the technology gap between Africa and the rest of the world. 

The digital language barrier can impede the economic growth of many African countries by hindering speakers of Indigenous languages from accessing job opportunities and online markets. Excluding African Indigenous languages from the development of AI tools used in schools could negatively impact the education systems of many nations. Meanwhile, the use of AI in education across the continent remains as low as 12 percent.

Opportunities for language inclusion in Africa

Agriculture is the pillar of Africa’s economy. The agricultural sector is a major contributor to the GDP of many African countries. Over 43 percent of Africa’s economically active population eke out their living from farming in remote areas. However, many African smallholder farmers are facing challenges such as unpredictable weather, product insecurity, inadequate logistic infrastructure, limited access to formal financial services, limited access to digital marketplaces, economic downturns, illiteracy of many farmers, and more. The use of AI-powered digital technologies has proven effective in mitigating these challenges. However, the majority of these tools are not accessible in the farmers’ local languages.

Africa boasts many cultural heritage and diverse traditions. Language is the bedrock of these rich heritage and traditions. Languages serve as reservoirs of knowledge and traditions, but they are also the medium through which the cultural heritage of a group of people is preserved and passed from one generation to another.

Seeing the alarming rate at which languages are dying, the United Nations (UN) proclaimed a decade to protect endangered languages and preserve humanity’s common heritage in 2022. About 523 of the 3,000 dying and endangered languages that will become extinct in the world by the end of the 21st century are spoken in Africa. The exclusion of these vulnerable languages from the development of digital technologies will accelerate the threat posed by extinction. 

Many African entrepreneurs, developers, and researchers have risen to the occasion, implementing initiatives that integrate African languages into technologies. A good example is a startup in Nigeria, Awarri, working on creating Nigeria’s first multilingual Large Language Model. A Kenyan startup, Code Vast, is also using AI to provide fast healthcare guidance in local Kenyan languages like Swahili, Meru, Kikuyu, and Luo. Lelapa AI is developing machine learning tools that are specifically designed for African contexts. Another Nigerian Startup, Crop2Cash, created an automated phone system technology called FarmAdvice. The AI-powered device allows smallholder farmers to access real-time, personalized agricultural knowledge and extension services in their local languages by dialing a toll-free number on any type of device, 24/7. 

While all these efforts are ongoing to bridge this language gap, there is still a need to integrate more languages, especially those spoken in regions where there is no ongoing or little effort to bridge the digital divide. Tech giants such as Meta, Amazon, Uber, IBM, AWS and other organizations whose technologies are widely used in Africa need to get involved by also prioritizing the integration of minority African languages in their product development. There is a need for concerted efforts between local startups and government bodies to create local technologies in order to reach the areas that foreign companies do not cover. 

Written by Abdulrosheed Fadipe

Originally published on Global Voices

Art by Global Voices

Rick Azevedo turned his cellphone camera on and, for one minute and seven seconds, talked about how he felt outraged by his grueling work schedule that puts workers in action for eight hours a day, six days a week, only getting one day off.

“I keep thinking, I'm someone who lives by himself, who doesn't have kids, and I can't do anything; can you imagine someone who has kids, a husband, a house to take care of? I want to know when we, the working class, will revolt against this outdated slavery called 6/1 working week?,” he said in the September 12th livestream.

His video was interpreted as a call to arms by some people online. The clip, posted on TikTok the following day, has over 1 million views a year later and ignited a movement in Brazil called VAT — a Portuguese acronym that means Vida Além do Trabalho or “Life Beyond Work.”

The movement is attempting to challenge the country's labor laws, which mandate eight-hour-long work days, plus four hours on Saturdays, adding up to 44 hours of work a week. This is usually for a minimum wage of BRL 1,412 (around USD 250) in Brazil.

Workers in industries such as commerce, restaurants, supermarkets, and call centers, among other services, are likely to be subject to this type of schedule. Some categories do have exceptions and have their own working regimes.

In the comments section on Azevedo's video, one follower said, “Usually, your day off is on a Sunday, and you can't have a medical or dentist appointment or solve anything,” while others complained, “I hate it; it feels like my life is being sucked.” Another user pointed out that people will call you lazy if you don't like this schedule because “they think it is normal to lose your life for a company.”

Azevedo himself, 30, worked for 12 years under the 6/1 work schedule as a pharmacy attendant, as he shared on the Lado B do Rio podcast. He claims the routine made him sick, causing anxiety and depression, and stopped him from studying or trying anything that could help him develop his career.

He says he left this kind of work for a while, but in July 2023, he had to get back to it without another alternative. Despairing over his situation, he turned on his camera to record the video that brought him acclaim and helped inspire a movement.

On October 6, Azevedo was elected to Rio de Janeiro's City Council with the PSOL party (Socialism and Freedom Party), the same party as Marielle Franco, the councilor who was killed in 2018 after facing and denouncing local paramilitary groups.

Rick, who received 29,364 votes, will now be working with Marielle's widow, Monica Benicio.

VAT and the law

Rick Azevedo, VAT movement's representative, and Congresswoman Erika Hilton, in a meeting with Luiz Marinho, minister of work and employment. Image: Allexandre dos Santos Silva/MTE

VAT's pamphlet says they are fighting for the reduction of working hours without any cuts to paychecks or labor rights. They also maintain an active Telegram channel collecting workers’ stories.

To a follower on X (formerly Twitter) who said his power as a city councilor wouldn't allow changes beyond those for public servants’ labor rules, Azevedo shared that he had developed a “PEC” — a bill to change the Constitution — with Congresswoman Erika Hilton (also from PSOL). The proposal was announced by Hilton back in May, and it needs a certain number of signatures by parliamentarians.

Also in May, Hilton and Azevedo met with Luiz Marinho, the minister for work and employment in the Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT, Workers’ Party) government, and delivered to him the movement's demands and a copy of the same petition addressed to the national congress.

The petition had gathered 1,329,085 signatures by mid-October 2024 and was a call to discuss improvement in the working conditions of Brazilians. Among the suggestions are a review of the 6/1 working model and a more balanced schedule, a public debate on labor law and how to improve the current conditions, policies to ensure a worker's right to vacation, parental license and limited overtime.

The CLT (Consolidation of Labor Law), the Brazilian labor law, has been active for over 80 years, but it has undergone changes in the last few years.

In 2017, during Michel Temer's presidency, which began after the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff (also from the Workers’ Party), a reform of the labor laws was introduced. This changed some CLT rules, including making union contributions optional, allowing vacations to be split in three periods, and enabling a working day to extend to 12 hours, with 36 hours off afterward.

The so-called Outsourcing Law, enacted in the same year, extended the allowed time for temporary jobs and permitted employers to hire workers for their primary activities under this system.

The CLT was signed by Getúlio Vargas in 1943, during his dictatorial ruling of the New State regime, which was installed after a coup, leading to its approval without passing through the national congress. Since then, workers have been guaranteed an eight-hour-long working day, weekly paid leave, paid overtime, protection from firing, and unemployment insurance, among other rights. For a while, it was said the inspiration came from fascist Benito Mussolini's Carta del Lavoro in Italy, but some claim this is a myth.

In Brazil, as in other countries, many people are facing precarious work situations because of the flexibility of labor laws and the rise of the “gig economy.” This has led to a significant increase in the number of people who have stopped looking for traditional jobs — from 1.46 million to 4.98 million between 2014 and 2019, according to data from the IBGE (Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics).

The Senate news agency notes that the national congress has been discussing proposals to reduce working hours since 1995, but change has only seemed likely in the last year. In December 2023, a project was passed at one of the commissions to include in the CLT the possibility of reducing working hours without payment cuts, if determined through a previous agreement.

Senator Paulo Paim (PT), who also worked on the 1990s proposal, says:

É preciso que todos entendam que a redução de jornada só representará uma vitória se for fruto de um grande entendimento não só no Congresso e no Executivo, mas também entre empregados e empregadores. Esse entendimento é que aponta caminhos, pois o país que queremos está baseado na humanização da relação de trabalho.

It's necessary that everyone understands that the reduction of working hours will only represent a victory if it comes through a great understanding not only in Congress and in the Executive, but also between employees and employers. It's this understanding that points ways, since the country we want is based on the humanization of work relations.

Written by Fernanda Canofre

Originally published on Global Voices

SAFF Under-19 Football Tournament Joint Champions – Bangladesh U-19 Women's Team. Photo courtesy of Shokalshondha News Web Portal. Used with permission.

The U-19 Women's SAFF Championship was held in February 2024 in Dhaka, the capital of Bangladesh. The South Asian Football Federation Women's Cup is a tournament for women's national football teams organized by the South Asian Football Federation (SAFF). Seven member nations — Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka — participate in the competition every two years.

The final match between India and Bangladesh on Febriary 8th concluded in a 1-1 draw, with Bangladesh striker Sagarika scoring the equalizer in the last minute of the game. As a result, Bangladesh and India were declared joint winners of the tournament.

India and Bangladesh were indeed declared joint winners of the SAFF U-19 Women's Football Championship on February 8th, 2024.

The final match ended in a 1-1 draw, and even the penalty shootout went down to the wire, ending 11-11.
Initially, a controversial coin toss decided… pic.twitter.com/9nsO7Re5nS

— Northeast Now (@NENowNews) February 9, 2024

Sagorika's outstanding performance throughout the tournament not only helped Bangladesh secure joint championship status but also marked her triumphant return home after six years, as she emerged as the tournament's top scorer and best player.

Overcaming parental resistance to shine on the football field

Sagorika's full name is Mosammat Sagorika. She was born in Rangatungi village of Ranishankoil upazila in the Thakurgaon district in north Bangladesh, about 400 km from Dhaka, the capital of Bangladesh. Her parents, Liton Mia and Anju Begum run a small tea shop near the village. The couple has two children — a son and a daughter. The son, who is older, works at a brick kiln, while the younger child is Sagorika. Like many in her village, Sagarika might have ended up working in the brick kiln due to financial hardships, but football transformed her fate.

It is extremely challenging for girls in Bangladesh to play football at the grassroots level. Many must overcome numerous obstacles, including gender bias and stereotypes, just to reach the field.

In 2014, a college teacher named Tajul Islam founded Rangatungi United, a women's football club. Establishing and running a football academy for girls in a remote village in Bangladesh was no easy task, but he accepted the challenge. Today, several players from Rangatungi United are part of various age-group women's teams in Bangladesh. Sagorika began playing football at Rangatungi United at the age of nine.

Sagarika is the top scorer and best player of the SAFF U-19 2024 Tournament. Photo courtesy of Shokalshondha News Web Portal. Used with permission.

However, some conservative villagers objected to girls playing football — not just for Sagorika but for all the girls who wanted to participate. Despite the opposition, Tajul Islam and his team continued their efforts.

Sagorika also faced challenges at home. Neighbors warned her family that if she continued to play football, she would not find a husband. This led her father to forbid her from playing. He did not speak to her for a long time. Nevertheless, Sagorika did not give up. She received support from her aunt, who eventually convinced her father to let her continue playing.

Because of her impressive football skills, Sagorika was selected for admission to the Bangladesh Krira Shikkha Protishthan (BKSP) in Savar, the premier sports education institution in Bangladesh. However, she did not like the rules there and returned home to continue playing with Rangatungi Football Club.

As the third round of the Women's Football League in Bangladesh gained popularity in 2019, many female footballers were eager to participate. Sagorika got her chance with Bangladesh's FC Brahmanbaria team but had to leave her village and travel to Dhaka to play in the league, making her return to the village uncertain.

A long way from home

In an interview with the news outlet Shokal Shondha, Sagorika said, “when I came to Dhaka to play in the Women's Football League, many people came to my mother and said, ‘I heard your daughter ran away with a boy to Dhaka.’ My mother defended me by showing videos of the Women's League matches on YouTube, saying, ‘My daughter didn’t elope; you can see her playing in this video.’”

However, people still did not believe her, and Sagorika stopped returning home. She realized that if she went back, she might not be able to return to Dhaka to continue playing. As a result, Sagorika stayed away from her village for six long years.

A little bit shy at the post-match press conference after netting two fine goals in their SAFF U-19 Women’s C'ship opener against Nepal, Sagorika could not hide her brashness in the end while talking about her fight against family to become a footballer.https://t.co/Wq6Auc8T4K

— Dhaka Tribune Sports (@Sport_DT) February 2, 2024

The SAFF U19 Championship opened new doors for her. Her impressive performance in the women's league during 2022 and 2023 caught the attention of the selectors, and she was included in the national team.

The same villagers who once criticised Sagorika for playing football are now proud of her achievements. According to The Daily Star, many villagers gathered at Sagarika's father's tea shop to watch her play in the SAFF U-19 football final. The match was broadcast live on T-Sports, and her father rented a television set so the entire village could watch Sagorika's game together.

While many villagers watched the game on television, Sagorika's parents traveled to Dhaka the day before the final to see her play live. It was their first visit to the capital, and their first time watching their daughter play in person. Just like the rest of the country, Sagorika did not disappoint her parents in the final.

A tearful Sagarika reunites with her parents after the final match. Photo courtesy of Shokalshondha News Web Portal. Used with permission.

Sagorika scored the goal against India in a critical moment of the final when Bangladesh was trailing behind with a 1–0 score. Her parents are now extremely proud of her. In an interview with the Dhaka Tribune, her father said, “My daughter has proved that I was wrong and she was right. I thought she wouldn't be able to marry if she continued playing football, which is why I didn't want her to play. But now I know I was wrong.”

Although Bangladesh was declared joint champions, Sagorika was named the top scorer and the best player of the SAFF U-19 tournament. After many years, she returned to her village with respect and pride.

Mosammat Sagorika is the SAFF U-19 Women's Player of the tournament. pic.twitter.com/WXwlIfX5hx

— Plaantik (@Plaantik) February 18, 2024

In May 2024, Sagorika was selected for the Bangladesh national women's football team.

Sagorika's success will serve as an inspiration not only for herself but for women all over Bangladesh and even around the world.

Written by Bijoy

Originally published on Global Voices

Telegram logo. Creative commons. CC BY 4.0

Recently, an incident in a retail store chain called “InBazar” in Uzbekistan became viral on social media. The video showed a store manager physically punishing a young employee for a minor mistake, igniting widespread anger online. Famous bloggers, influencers, and later news media outlets, seized the moment to expose the manager’s misconduct.

The situation escalated further when the store owner announced the manager’s dismissal, but shortly after, videos surfaced of the owner himself mistreating employees and beating them. This revelation triggered a public outcry, leading to a boycott of the entire store chain, its closure, and a criminal case against the owner.

Here is a YouTube video about the InBazar case.

This is not an isolated case, however. In Uzbekistan’s media landscape, viral news often stems from scandalous events or inflammatory public statements by well-known figures or ordinary citizens.

Earlier this year, an Instagram user faced widespread backlash for claiming that people from Uzbekistan’s countryside should not come to the capital, Tashkent, as the streets were “full of outsiders.” The statement incited outrage on social media. The user eventually issued a public apology and was sentenced to 15 days in jail.

So, what makes certain news stories go viral in Uzbekistan? The key elements usually involve controversial statements by public figures, incidents that provoke strong emotional responses, or issues that resonate with people’s everyday experiences. Once such stories catch the public’s attention, they follow a predictable trajectory, with social media playing a central role.

The role of Telegram and social media

Telegram is the primary driver of viral news in Uzbekistan and an essential tool for news distribution. Almost every business, organization, and influencer maintains a Telegram channel or group. With nearly 25 million users in a country of 37 million, the platform’s reach is unmatched. Some channels boast millions of subscribers, allowing news to spread like wildfire. In the first half of 2023, the number of Telegram channels in Uzbekistan surpassed 120,000, with the number continuing to rise.

Telegram’s significance goes beyond mere communication — it’s deeply embedded in daily life. Advertising on Telegram is highly attractive for businesses due to its extensive reach. In fact, when Telegram founder Pavel Durov visited Uzbekistan earlier this year, he remarked on how Telegram has become intertwined with the country’s economy, noting that almost every business operates a channel or bot on the platform.

Here is a YouTube video about the use and popularity of Telegram in Uzbekistan.

Aside from Telegram, Instagram is another key platform for viral news, with over 8.7 million users, accounting for 25.1 percent of Uzbekistan’s population as of January 2024. Instagram’s visual nature, and its popularity among younger audiences, makes it a influential platform for sharing news, especially through influencers and viral stories.

Facebook, while losing traction among younger users, remains relevant among middle-aged and older adults, with public groups actively discussing social issues. Similarly, X (formerly Twitter) is a platform where more media-literate and socially active users, including citizen journalists and bloggers, frequently post their reactions to news events. Occasionally, Twitter becomes the initial spark for viral news, particularly when socially active bloggers highlight important issues.

The power of bloggers and influencers

In Uzbekistan, bloggers are not just influencers — they are key players in the country’s media ecosystem. What sets Uzbek bloggers apart is their relationship with their audiences. People often turn to bloggers for help with social issues or unjust circumstances when government agencies fail to provide solutions. Once a blogger shares a story with their audience, public pressure frequently compels government authorities to take action.

For instance, Umid Gafurov, a prominent and well-respected blogger with around 100,000 active followers on social media, frequently highlights issues related to public infrastructure, many of which are brought to his attention by his subscribers.

Once these problems are posted on his Telegram channel, local authorities are quick to respond, rushing to resolve the issues after they gain public attention.  In this way, bloggers have become unofficial intermediaries between the public and the state, amplifying voices that would otherwise go unheard.

State-controlled media’s influence pales in comparison to that of social media. Traditional outlets often avoid controversial topics and rarely report on stories that resonate with the everyday concerns of the population. As a result, many people bypass state media in favor of Telegram and other platforms, where “forbidden news” can surface.

In fact, censorship has unintentionally contributed to the viral nature of news in Uzbekistan. Stories that are not covered by official outlets often become more sought-after, as people seek alternative sources for uncensored information, such as anonymous Telegram channels.

Consequences of viral news

While the democratization of information has its advantages, the rapid spread of viral news is not without drawbacks. One major concern is the rise of disinformation, as many channels often prioritize being the first to publish a story over ensuring its accuracy. In their haste to capture attention, these channels can neglect proper fact-checking, leading to the circulation of misleading or incorrect information.

For example, an incident that happened earlier this year involved false reports circulating on social media claiming that an Afghan military helicopter had been shot down near the Afghanistan–Uzbekistan border. This claim was quickly debunked by an official statement clarifying that the reports were entirely baseless. The incident demonstrates how misinformation on sensitive topics can spread rapidly, causing confusion and fear.

Another issue is the tendency towards overexposure. Viral stories often dominate the public discourse for a short period, but their overwhelming presence can distract from other important news which has more significance for the society. This concern is frequently raised by media-literate individuals and citizen journalists in Uzbekistan, who argue that public attention is being diverted to trivial matters, while more significant issues remain overlooked.

As one popular citizen journalists sarcastically wrote on his channel, “In Uzbekistan today, an issue that stands ahead of elections, politics, ecology, corruption, the economy, including rising external debt, education, energy, nuclear power plants, and other matters has been resolved. The court has officially confirmed that citizen Botir Qodirov is the son of the late Sherali Jo'rayev.”

This statement summarized the outcome of the court case related to the viral and widely discussed news on the contested parenthood case between two singers, which has overshadowed more serious and pressing issues in the country.

Here is a YouTube video about the contested parenthood court case involving Botir Qodirov and Sherali Jo'rayev.

Such floods of viral content can create a phenomenon where news fatigue sets in, desensitizing people to important stories that deserve attention. Over time, this can reduce the public’s engagement with critical issues, as they become overwhelmed by a constant stream of sensational headlines.

Additionally, viral news can also contribute to reputational damage for individuals or businesses. Once a story gains traction, it is difficult to control the narrative, even if the facts are misrepresented. The speed at which content spreads leaves little room for clarification or correction, and individuals or organizations can suffer long-term harm before the truth surfaces.

The rapid spread of news in Uzbekistan is largely shaped by platforms like Telegram, which has become a dominant force in the country’s media landscape. With millions of users and countless channels, Telegram serves as a hub where news can go viral almost instantly.

Additionally, bloggers, citizen journalists, and opinion leaders play a crucial role in amplifying these stories, turning personal grievances or local incidents into national conversations. As the media environment continues to evolve, it is clear that viral news will remain a significant force, shaping both public opinion and the broader national conversation.

Written by Mukhammadsodik Donaev

Originally published on Global Voices

Collage of screenshots from the music video “Fanático” by Lali Espósito on YouTube, made by Global Voices.

Just days after its release, a music video with scathing lyrics and a catchy rhythm that denounces the harassment that the artist has been subjected to for more than a year by the Argentine president managed to enter the Top 5 most viewed videos in the world, and is number one in Argentina.

This is “Fanático,” the most recent single by Argentine singer, songwriter, actress and activist Lali Espósito, released at the end of September 2024 and with which she seems to ridicule the president and establish a political position of firm opposition to the government of Javier Milei, who has now been in office for ten months.

With a carefully crafted aesthetic — loaded with symbolism, humour and playful references to the artist's career, her activism and her fans — the video features a character with fake sideburns and a leather jacket who screams nonsensically, presumably Milei. It also makes numerous references — some more subtle than others — to the insults, accusations and hate speech that Espósito has received.

The lyrics of “Fanático,” simple and very mischievous, could easily be about any fan who becomes absurdly obsessed with their favorite star, but the images and the context of the confrontation between Milei and Espósito make the reference clear.

On August 13, 2023, when the result of the primary elections in favor of the libertarian candidate Javier Milei became known, Lali Espósito tweeted the words, “How dangerous. How sad.” Milei’s responses and attacks were not long in coming, and thus began an intense media confrontation similar to that of Donald Trump against Taylor Swift. 

Music and humour as political tools

The fact is that you have to know about Argentine culture, its recent political context and Lali Espósito's career trajectory to understand the references made in the video.

The scenes were filmed in a large warehouse, which may be a reference in itself, since Milei called her “Lali Depósito” (Lali Warehouse), as he claimed that the artist lived off public money in exchange for making propaganda for Kirchnerism. In this warehouse, Lali leads a casting session in which a motley crew of characters parades: fans who imitate her as some of the characters she played in kids and teen TV shows, and as a singer.

One of the people who shows up at the casting and who catches Lali’s attention is a rolinga (a Rolling Stones fan) wearing a T-shirt that says “Who the fuck is LALI?”, a reference to the T-shirt that Keith Richards wore when he taunted Mick Jagger. In addition, when they asked Milei about her, he was emphatic that he did not know her saying, “I only listen to the Rolling Stones.” 

Reference to the T-shirt in the video and Keith Richards’ original. Left: screenshot of the video “Fanático.” Fair use. Right: Image from docteurcarter on Flickr. Wikimedia Commons, CC BY 2.0.

A man who clearly resembles Milei also shows up at the fan casting. He screams and seems to lose his temper, whilst Lali seems bored with him. He is quickly pushed out of the scene, but shortly after he returns to continue screaming insistently despite the little attention anyone pays him, as if he were throwing a tantrum.

And who the fuck is Lali?

Mariana “Lali” Espósito, born in Buenos Aires in 1991, is a singer, songwriter, and actress who debuted on Argentine television aged just 10 years old. She took part in children's TV programs and series, continued acting in teen dramas, and has been the face of several ad campaigns. 

She played one of the characters in the 2021 Spanish Netflix series Sky Rojo, which received rave reviews in international media for addressing the problem of sex trafficking.

In terms of her musical career, she has collaborated on the soundtracks of TV series and a soap opera, and was part of Teen Angels, a pop band formed from an Argentine TV show, with whom she recorded six studio albums. In 2013, she began her career as a solo artist, though she has come to share the stage with great international figures of music and entertainment.

Lali Espósito during the Fénix Awards in 2018, with her green handkerchief, a symbol of the feminist fight for safe and legal abortion in Argentina. Image by Milton Martínez for secretaría de Cultura CDMX via Wikimedia Commons (CC BY 2.0).

As for her political side, from a very young age Lali has participated in numerous social awareness and justice campaigns alongside various foundations, NGOs and artists. She describes herself as a “feminist apprentice,” as she recognizes her own shortcomings and hypocrisies, and has set out to work on them to become an increasingly better feminist.

She is a member of the collective Actrices Argentinas (Argentine Actresses), created in 2018 to support the right to abortion in Argentina, and has been very consistent in her activism for this cause, which resulted in her being the target of many cyber-attacks, threats and harassment, including those of the current Argentine president.

In a context of increasing poverty, declining human rights and dissenting voices feeling increasingly threatened, the spicy humor in Lali's video fills her followers with laughter and optimism. And to the chagrin of her critics, it has enabled her to enter the Top 5 of most viewed videos worldwide for the first time.                                                              

En 3:07 minutos de Canción, Lali Espósito hizo y dijo mucho más que la oposición en 9 meses.

Gracias Reina.

— Nach & Pop (@Eunepetaculo) September 27, 2024

In 3:07 minutes of a song, Lali Espósito has done and said much more than the opposition has in 9 months.

Thank you Queen.

— Nach & Pop (@Eunepetaculo) September 27, 2024

Written by Romina Navarro Translated by Molly Furnival-Phillips · View original post [es]

Originally published on Global Voices

Maa Durga’s idol stands tall on demon Mahishasur at her feet subdued. Image by photojournalist Shivansh Srivastava. Used with permission.

In the vibrant, affluent neighborhood of Chittaranjan Park (CR Park) in Southeast Delhi, India, the soft hum of devotion blends with the rhythmic clatter of tools as artisans breathe life into sacred clay. They are crafting idols of Maa (mother) Durga, the revered Hindu goddess who symbolizes the victory of good over evil — a timeless narrative that resonates deeply in today’s complex world.

Artisans use a brush to paint the intricate details of sculptures. Image by photojournalist Shivansh Srivastava. Used with permission.

Navratri, which translates to “nine nights,” is one of the most significant festivals in the Hindu calendar. It honors Maa Durga’s triumph over the demon Mahishasura, a shape-shifting buffalo demon who represents chaos and oppression.

The towering figure of Maa Durga, unfinished and standing tall over Mahishasur. Image by photojournalist Shivansh Srivastava. Used with permission.

According to Hindu mythology, Mahishasura was blessed with a boon that made him invincible to all men, and his tyranny spread across the heavens and earth. In response, the gods combined their energies to create a powerful female warrior — Maa Durga. Riding a lion and wielding divine weapons in her multiple arms, she battled Mahishasura for nine days, ultimately slaying him on the tenth day, known as Vijayadashami, or Dussehra.

An artist meticulously gives the final touches to the idol of Demon Mahishasur. Image by photojournalist Shivansh Srivastava. Used with permission.

As Maa Durga towers over the demons she vanquishes, her idols become symbols of hope and resilience, mirroring the challenges we face globally. With wars, rising gender violence, and environmental disasters threatening communities, her triumph feels more urgent than ever.

A serene idol of Ganesh, the God of New Beginnings, Wisdom, and Luck, sits beside an artisan working on another Ganesh sculpture in the background. Image by photojournalist Shivansh Srivastava. Used with permission.

This festival is more than just a celebration of a mythological event; it’s a reflection of the ongoing battle between good and evil, not just in the cosmos but within each of us. The nine days of Navratri are dedicated to worshiping different forms of the goddess, symbolizing purity, strength, knowledge, and protection.

An artisan applies glitter to the feet of Maa Durga, adding the final touch of brilliance. Image by photojournalist Shivansh Srivastava. Used with permission.

As artisans in Chittaranjan Park work tirelessly in narrow lanes, shaping idols of Maa Durga, they capture the essence of the goddess as she prepares to defeat the demons. Every intricate detail they craft speaks of her fierce yet compassionate nature, embodying resilience and the power of the divine feminine.

A glimpse into the artist’s workspace shows an array of tools, and sculptures. Image by photojournalist Shivansh Srivastava. Used with permission.

An artisan carefully paints the vivid details of Ganesh’s idol. Image by photojournalist Shivansh Srivastava. Used with permission.

The face of the demon Mahishasur is dramatically illuminated, highlighting the sharp contours of his fierce expression. Image by photojournalist Shivansh Srivastava. Used with permission.

A newly sculpted idol of Maa Durga stands tall. Image by photojournalist Shivansh Srivastava. Used with permission.

An artisan adds the finishing touches to the swan that accompanies Saraswati, the goddess of wisdom. Image by photojournalist Shivansh Srivastava. Used with permission.

Unfinished sculpture of Lord Kartikeya, the God of War, stands untouched in a corner, waiting for the artist’s hands to bring it to life. Image by photojournalist Shivansh Srivastava. Used with permission.

Bamboo rods support the idol of Maa Durga, ensuring her proper balance as she stands tall and majestic, awaiting further work. Image by photojournalist Shivansh Srivastava. Used with permission.

An artisan mixes vibrant colors in a bowl, preparing to paint the sculptures. Image by photojournalist Shivansh Srivastava. Used with permission.

An artist mixes mud and straw to create the perfect material for sculpting. Image by photojournalist Shivansh Srivastava. Used with permission.

A newly finished sculpture stands covered, awaiting the final touch of paint. Image by photojournalist Shivansh Srivastava. Used with permission.

A close-up of Maa Durga's face as her sculpture dries under the warm afternoon sun. Image by photojournalist Shivansh Srivastava. Used with permission.

An artisan stirs paint with focus, the colors swirling together like the stories that unfold during the Navratri festival. Image by photojournalist Shivansh Srivastava. Used with permission.

Mahishasur’s face is fully formed, with precise, fearsome expressions of rage and defiance. Image by photojournalist Shivansh Srivastava. Used with permission.

Sculptures stand in neat rows under the sun, drying in preparation for the festival. Image by photojournalist Shivansh Srivastava. Used with permission.

As the preparations unfold at Chittaranjan Park, this microcosm of devotion and creativity offers not just a glimpse into the making of sacred art, but also a reflection of our collective need for strength, resilience, and renewal.

Written by Shivansh Srivastava

Originally published on Global Voices

Some protestors during the #EndSars protests. Image by Asokeretope from  Wikimedia Commons (CC BY 4.0 DEED).

As Nigeria celebrated its 64th independence anniversary on Tuesday, October 1, thousands of citizens protested in the country’s capital, Abuja, and across major cities, including Lagos and Port Harcourt. The protest, tagged “FearlessInOctober,” was organised on social media but was dispersed by police firing tear gas at the protesters.

October 1st Protest: Nigerians protest against the bad government on Independence Day at the Ikeja under bridge.#October1 #EndbadGovernment #Protest #nigeria pic.twitter.com/shU8h9oJHB

— SNOW TV® RC 3662284 (@OfficialSnowtv) October 1, 2024

As usual, October 1 was observed as a public holiday as part of the annual commemoration of the nation’s independence from British rule on October 1, 1960. Previously celebrated at the Eagle Square in the capital city, Abuja, the Independence Day traditional ceremony was moved to the Aso Villa in October 2023. The Secretary to the Government of the Federation, George Akume, announced that the anniversary would be observed in a low-key manner because of the tumultuous economic state.

A number of Nigerians expressed their frustrations on X (formerly Twitter):

Independence my foot . The colonial masters are even better than we the owners of the country. We are ruled by syndicates rather than governments. There was a country . APC has ruined the little democracy we had left .#protest #IndependenceDay pic.twitter.com/UZ1B8amuj2

— Ghost Of Trafford (@ghostoftrafford) October 1, 2024

The presidential candidate of the Labour Party in the 2023 general election, Peter Obi, urged leaders and citizens alike to reflect deeply on the country’s current state. 

In a statement on his X account, he said: “For me, this should also be a day of sober reflection for every Nigerian, especially for us, the leaders, whose actions and inactions have contributed to the stagnation and glaring failures we are witnessing at present.” He further emphasised the need for a “New and Productive Nigeria” that prioritises the well-being of its citizens. 

Economic crisis and challenges

Nigeria, Africa’s most populous nation, is grappling with its worst economic crisis in decades, which has led to a significant increase in the prices of staple foods nationwide. 

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has faced criticism for his twin policies of petrol subsidy removal and the unification of foreign exchange rates, which many Nigerians believe have fueled unprecedented inflation and soaring living and energy costs. Energy costs have more than tripled since President Tinubu assumed office on May 29, 2023. Petrol prices per litre surged from around NGN 200 (USD 0.12) to over NGN 1,000 (USD 0.60) while electricity tariffs quadrupled, severely impacting both the manufacturing sector and the finances of Nigerian households.

In a survey conducted by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) from July 22 to 26, 2024, inflation is expected to force Nigerian households to spend a larger proportion of their income on food. The Household Expectation Survey, drawn from a sample size of 1,665 households across the 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory from the NBS master sample list, had a response rate of 99.7 percent. According to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), the inflation rate is currently at 32.15 percent, with food inflation rising to 39.5 percent.

In a televised Independence Day broadcast, President Tinubu stated that Nigeria must choose between reform for progress and prosperity or continuing with business as usual and risking collapse. He emphasized that his administration, which took over leadership 16 months ago, is committed to reforming the political economy and defence architecture of the country.

“While we celebrate the progress we have made as a people over the last sixty-four years, we must also recognize some of our missed opportunities and mistakes of the past. If we are to become one of the greatest nations on earth, as God has destined us to be, we must not allow our mistakes to follow us into the future,” he said.

He lamented that Nigeria is in a precarious situation because of past missteps, urging citizens not to let these errors shape the future. The president added that his government had eliminated over 300 Boko Haram and “bandit commanders“ in the northeast and northwest, among other regions. 

He further noted that ongoing economic reforms have attracted over USD 30 billion in direct foreign investment over the past year.

Hope for the future

During his Independence Day broadcast, President Tinubu announced the convocation of a “National Youth Conference.” He said the conference would converge for 30 days as a platform to address the diverse challenges confronting young Nigerians in the country, who constitute over 60 percent of Nigeria’s population. 

This decision was likely influenced by the growing unrest among youths across the country, which has led to continued public protests since the #EndSARS protest in 2020 and the #EndBadGovernance protest in August 2024.

In celebration of Nigeria's 64th Independence Day on October 1, Apple Music revealed the top ten most streamed songs and albums of all time by Nigerian artists. This initiative celebrates the success of Nigerian artists on the digital streaming platform, showcasing the most streamed Nigerian artists and albums. Wizkid’s “Made in Lagos” takes the top spot, followed closely by Burna Boy with four albums on the list.

Nigeria’s music industry has grown in the past decade to become one of the country’s most vibrant sectors, contributing over USD 2 billion in revenue per year to the national economy. In its projections, it is expected to reach a significant USD 12.9 billion by 2027, according to a report by PriceWaterhouseCoopers.

Similarly, Nollywood, the second largest film industry in the world, generates over USD 660 million annually, creating millions of jobs, particularly for younger Nigerians.

Despite the challenging economic circumstances in the country, Nigeria’s creative industries remain a beacon of hope for Africa’s most populous nation.

Written by Adesewa Olofinko

Originally published on Global Voices

A close up of a dictionary with focus on word censorship. Photo by Mick Haupt via Unsplash. Used under the Unsplash License.

This article by Omar Zahirović was originally published on Balkan Diskurs, a project of the Post-Conflict Research Center (PCRC). An edited version has been republished by Global Voices under a content sharing agreement.

Throughout early history, laws on freedoms began to take shape, as those in power had control over speech, a situation that persisted largely unchanged until the Middle Ages. Immediately thereafter, public discourse was predominantly influenced by the church.  The first discussions on freedoms emerged during the period of humanism and the Renaissance. Literature from this era illustrates a clearer and more open dialogue emerging. From the Renaissance to modern times, censorship has been shaped by feudal lords, rulers, and wealthy individuals.  What is most alarming is that little has changed.  Today, public discourse is still largely shaped by powerful individuals and the systems within which speakers operate.

To understand the phenomenon of modern censorship, we spoke with a communication researcher and a sociologist about this pressing issue.

Censorship in the contemporary world

Amina Vatreš is a teaching assistant and published researcher at the Department of Communication Studies at the University of Sarajevo. Understanding contemporary forms of censorship, according to Vatreš, requires analyzing the complex and multidimensional characteristics of the information space. This includes examining the role of technology, social media, political and economic pressures, as well as the (non)existence of individual and social responsibility among media professionals and other creators of media content.

“It [censorship] often acts entirely latently and implicitly, thereby posing new and more complex challenges to the preservation of freedom of expression, independence of media operations, and maintaining the media’s watchdog role,” said Vatreš.

Replacing conventional methods of censorship which involve explicitly blocking certain content from one or more centers, Vatreš explains that recent communication theorists refer to the new form of censorship as “censorship through noise.” This phenomenon is closely linked to information overload, a key feature of the recent information-communication ecosystem.

Amina Vatreš, a teaching assistant and published researcher at the Department of Communication Studies at the University of Sarajevo. Private archive via Balkan Diskurs, used with permission.

Vatreš states that censorship through noise blurs the distinction between fact-based reporting and completely fabricated information. This leads to a kind of suffocation of truth in a sea of lies and the emergence of numerous fragmented, decontextualized, and subjective truths. In this way, as she adds, the multitude of media creates the illusion of a plurality of opinions, which is particularly apparent in the realm of social media.

Vladimir Vasić, a sociologist, underlines the role of editorial boards in modern censorship.

“It is dangerous that certain media outlets, acting as a ‘window to the world,’ stifle freedom of speech due to their editorial policies instead of basing their work on ethical and scientific principles fundamental to their existence,” Vasić added.

“Freedom of speech ceases the moment a narrative attempting to fit into the framework of freedom of speech compromises the integrity of another person or other values,” he said.

Vladimir Vasić, a sociologist. Private archive via Balkan Diskurs, used with permission.

Censorship today is more devious, subtly different from the traditional, with its own hidden modes.

Nonetheless, Vasić adds on the role of herd mentality: “Individuals try to impose such a form of public activity within the framework of censorship — anyone who thinks differently from me is against me — which in science is clearly known by its name. In their case, censorship refers to the transparency of work and the way public funds are managed.”

Self-censorship in a culture of fear

Today, truth and free expression often come at the cost of social sanctions. In recent years, we have all witnessed how most people choose a quieter mode of defense. Many young people ignore or accept generational taboos that are contemporary to our time. Influenced by social media, they choose self-censorship.

According to Vatreš, self-censorship is a way of avoiding the negative repercussions that may result from the expression of ideas, views, and critical reflections on society. Within the online sphere, the issue of censorship takes on new dimensions.

Vatreš argues that this is a manifestation of a modern form of censorship that essentially achieves the same ultimate goals as traditional censorship.

“This is further complicated by the fact that in the abundance of information, partial information, and fake news, it is difficult to make a clear distinction between fact and fiction, while at the same time, we are not fully aware of the fundamental change in the way information is being controlled,” said Vatreš.

Referring to societal attitudes towards disagreements and conflict, sociologist Vasić says, “It’s fine as long as no one is shooting! This phrase masks their passivity and their incompetence. By ‘their,’ I mean all those who have led us to believe that the height of comfort is ‘it’s fine as long as no one is shooting’ — and not just that — they have created such living conditions for us. As long as we remain silent, things will get worse for us because, by staying silent, we prove we are not deserving of better.

‘As long as no one is shooting’

If people want to become active consumers of information, they must ask themselves whether we should filter what we see. Vasić responds affirmatively.

“I believe that filtering publicly available content is beneficial, but it is essential that we all have mental filters in our heads that operate on the principle of ‘I want, I don’t want!’ It is important to learn to read the news and receive information critically because not everything written in the newspapers or said on television is true,” said Vasić.

According to Vasić, censorship that undermines freedom and freedom that attacks another’s integrity are two siblings from the same parents — bad ones.

Through our conversation with Amina Vatreš and Vladimir Vasić, we have learned about the fundamental principles of modern censorship and its impact on the masses and individuals.  It is time to learn how to transform the world of communication and information into a safe community that functions in a stimulating and safe manner.

Written by Balkan Diskurs

Originally published on Global Voices

Alaa Abdel Fatah in Tahrir Square on June 28, 2011. Picture by Lilian Wagdy. Flickr CC BY 2.0

News shared by prominent Egyptian activist Alaa Abdel Fattah's lawyer that the Egyptian authorities do not plan to release his client until January 2027, has sparked outrage. Abdel Fattah, who has become one of the most well-known political prisoners in Egypt, has spent much of the last decade behind bars, serving multiple sentences for his role in pro-democracy protests and advocacy for free speech.

Human rights lawyer Khaled Ali stated that his client, activist Alaa Abdel Fattah, “is being subjected to abuse, oppression, and manipulation of legal texts.” His family is calling for his release upon the completion of his prison term on September 29, but the prosecution has not counted the two years he spent in pretrial detention. 

Ali tweeted: 

علاء يوم ٢٩ سبتمبر ٢٠١٩، يكون كمل ٥ سنوات فى السجن لأن قبض عليه يوم ٢٨ سبتمبر ٢٠١٩.

الحكم الصادر ضد علاء قضى عليه بالحبس خمس سنوات

علاء عندما قبض عليها وجهت له النيابة عدة تهم منها ما يعد من الجنايات ومنها ما يعد من الجنح

فى ٢٠٢١ تم سلخ الجنح من التحقيقات وتقديمه للمحاكمة أمام… pic.twitter.com/2dfAWMQjvj

— Khaled Ali (@Khaledali251) September 26, 2024

Alaa on September 29, 2019, will have completed five years in prison because he was arrested on September 28, 2019.
The verdict against Alaa sentenced him to five years in prison.
When Alaa was arrested, the prosecution charged him with several charges, some of which are considered felonies and some are considered misdemeanors.
In 2021, the misdemeanors were removed from the investigations and he was brought to trial before the Misdemeanor Court, which sentenced him to five years. As for the felony investigations, they have not yet been dealt with. Since 2021, the Public Prosecution has not summoned him to any investigation session, and the Public Prosecution has not confronted him with anything during this period.
For five years, no other referral order has been issued against him.
Alaa has not been convicted of any other crime.

Indefinite detention

Abdel Fattah, a software developer, writer, and activist, was most recently arrested in September 2019 during a wave of anti-government protests that he was not participating in. His family announced that he was missing from the Dokki police station, where he was sleeping every night as part of a legally contested five-year probation sentence. 

Many other prominent opposition figures were arrested in a large scale wave of arrests surrounding the protests, including Hazem Hosny, a spokesperson for ex-army chief Sami Anan, and political scientist Hassan Nafaa, as well as prominent human rights lawyer Mahienour El-Masry. 

In 2021, Abdel Fattah was subsequently sentenced to five years in prison under the country's draconian anti-terrorism laws, accused of “spreading false news undermining national security, using social media to commit a publishing offence, as well as joining a terrorist group.”

Having completed this sentence, Abdel Fattah's family and legal team were expecting his release this year. However, news about the possibility that his release will be further delayed has drawn international criticism, with 59 local, regional and international human rights organizations urging Egypt to abide by its legal obligations and release Abdel Fattah.

In an interview with independent Egyptian media outlet Al Manassa, Ali emphasized that the authorities’ actions violate Article 482 of the Criminal Procedure Code, which states that a prison sentence begins from the date of arrest and should account for pretrial detention. It also breaches Article 484, which mandates that pretrial detention be deducted from the lightest sentence when multiple sentences are imposed.

He noted that the prosecution claims Abdel Fattah's pretrial detention was linked to an ongoing investigation in Case No. 1356 of 2019, but stressed that the law requires pretrial detention to be deducted from any sentence, whether related to the same crime or another.

Amnesty International released a statement on September 26 urging Egyptian authorities to “immediately and unconditionally release Egyptian-British activist Aala Abdel Fattah who will have completed the length of his unjust five-year prison sentence in three days on 29 September.” 

According to Mahmoud Shalaby, Amnesty International’s Egypt researcher: “Egyptian authorities have a dreadful track record of indefinitely detaining political dissidents by concocting new reasons to keep them locked up. If the authorities fail to release Alaa Abdel Fattah this would further compound the cruelty and injustice he has already suffered in custody.”

Systematic persecution

Abdel Fattah's case is emblematic of the broader crackdown on dissent in Egypt under el-Sisi's government. Since the military ousted the country's first democratically elected president, Mohamed Morsi, in 2013, tens of thousands of political opponents, journalists, and human rights activists have been imprisoned, many under false charges related to terrorism. In 2019, Human Rights Watch estimated that, since el-Sisi took office, 60,000 people had been imprisoned on political grounds.

For Abdel Fattah, this marks the latest chapter in a long history of persecution. He was first arrested in 2006 for his activism during the Hosni Mubarak era and played a key role in the 2011 uprising that overthrew the long-time dictator. Since then, he has been in and out of prison multiple times, often for charges related to his participation in peaceful protests or criticism of the government on social media.

In a statement calling for Abdel Fattah’s release, Reporters Without Borders pointed out that, “There are currently 17 journalists imprisoned in Egypt, including Abdel Fattah, at least nine of whom are in pre-trial detention – a tactic used to extend the time journalists spend in jail.”

A family’s struggle

Abdel Fattah's family, who have been tireless advocates for his release, had warned back in 2022 that his health had deteriorated significantly during his time in prison. His sister, Mona Seif, recently tweeted:

A sentimental post about my sister @sana2

Today we had a press briefing, and for a moment I was trying to outline to everyone present the bleak scenario we have to face if @Alaa is not out of prison on Sunday, and that this leaves us with an almost open ended prison sentence pic.twitter.com/asQm9amo8g

— Mona Seif (@Monasosh) September 26, 2024

On September 25, his other sister Sanaa Seif wrote on Facebook, “Five days remain, and Alaa will have completed his full sentence (five years), but unfortunately, there is no indication that they intend to release him on time.”

Abdel Fattah's mother, Laila Soueif, has been at the forefront of the family's campaign to secure his release. Soueif, a professor of mathematics at Cairo University and a well-known activist in her own right, has often staged sit-ins outside the prison where her son is held, demanding access to him.

A symbol of freedom

For many in Egypt and elsewhere in the region, Abdel Fattah has become a symbol of resistance against authoritarianism. His writings, some smuggled out of prison, have been published in various international media outlets, have become rallying cries for those fighting for freedom of speech and human rights.

Alaa Abdel Fattah’s plight is not an isolated case. Thousands of others, many of them lesser-known, remain behind bars in Egypt for crimes as trivial as expressing dissenting opinions on social media. Under the guise of national security, Egyptian authorities have systematically suppressed freedom of speech, assembly, and association.

As Abdel Fattah languishes in prison, his case serves as a stark reminder of the challenges faced by those who dare to criticize Egypt's authoritarian regime. While his continued detention underscores the government's determination to silence dissent, it has also inspired many to continue in his fight.

Written by Walid El Houri