Originally published on Global Voices

Devastation in Idlib caused by a Russian missile strike on March 14, 2019, claimed lives and reduced a neighborhood to ruins. Photo by Moussa Mohammed. Used with permission

Despite the devastating earthquake that ravaged both Turkey and Syria on February 6, affecting over 18 million people, causing loss of lives, injuries, and displacement of millions, the Bashar Al Assad regime emerged with plans to exploit this tragedy for personal gain.

The earthquake provided the regime with a pathway to break its isolation resulting from international sanctions due to grave human rights violations. Seizing the chance, the regime initiated the normalization of relations with Arab countries, who used humanitarian aid as a pretext to restore communication -Diplomatic normalization refers to the process of restoring or establishing formal diplomatic relations between two countries or entities.

The Arab League met on May 7, 2023, where they agreed to reinstate Syria's membership in the league. Screenshot from Al Jazeera video. Fair use.

On May 7, 2023, the Arab League welcomed Syria back after a 12-year break, disregarding the Assad regime's atrocities of massacre, torture, forced disappearances, and displacement, dealing a painful blow to human rights in the region.

A decade of brutal suppression and humanitarian crisis

The Syrian civil war began in March 2011, when the Asad regime brutally suppressed peaceful protests. This sparked a relentless ongoing conflict that continues to this day.

Numerous war crimes and crimes against humanity in Syria were committed by the Assad regime, according to human rights reports. These offenses include indiscriminate shelling, focusing on medical facilities and personnel, preventing those in need receiving humanitarian aid, and carrying out extrajudicial executions, torture, enforced disappearances, and sexual violence within prisons.

The regime's crimes went beyond that, disregarding international laws and resorting to the use of banned chemical weapons against civilians on several occasions. One incident that stands out is the 2013 massacre in Ghouta, which killed hundreds of civilians, including children.

Furthermore, the regime used famine as a weapon against the Syrian people by blocking aid from getting to areas controlled by opposition, causing civilians to suffer from hunger and malnutrition.

These crimes resulted in catastrophic consequences, displacing over 14 million Syrians globally, including 6.8 million internally. A recent UN report from March 2023 highlighted that 70 percent of the population is in urgent need of humanitarian assistance.

Families discovered their loved one's fates through the publication of Caesar's gruesome photos online in 2014. Screenshot from a Middle East Eye video. Fair use.

These crimes led several countries and organizations to impose sanctions on the Syrian regime since 2011. The European Union (EU) froze assets and imposed travel bans on individuals involved in human rights violations, while the United States implemented sanctions under the Caesar Syria Civilian Protection Act in 2019, named after a defector who documented torture with gruesome photos.

Race for normalization with the Assad Regime

The Arab League suspended Syria's membership in 2011, but a shift occurred since 2017 in the international community and anti-regime forces. The regime's military gains, backed by Russia and Iran, against terrorist organizations like ISIS led to a change in focus for some Western countries, including the US, prioritizing defeating ISIS over removing Assad from power.

Bashar Al Assad warmly welcomed during visit to the UAE, meeting with the UAE president, HH Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, on 19 March 2023. Screenshot from a Gulf News video. Fair use.

Arab countries have recently improved communication with the Assad regime, with several prominent diplomatic attempts to rebuild channels with Damascus. In 2018, the UAE and Bahrain restored diplomatic relations with Syria.

Following the earthquake, Saudi Arabia expressed interest in improving relations with Syria, reflecting the evolving diplomatic developments and new alliances in the Middle East, including the regional impact of the Saudi–Iranian relations, encompassing Syria.

Syrian and Iraq refugees arrive from Turkey to Skala Sykamias, Lesvos island, Greece. Rescue team from “Proactiva open arms“. Photo by Ggia – Own work, CC BY-SA 4.0, Fair use.

Arab normalization with the Assad regime serves different needs and interests. It aims to alleviate the internal tensions caused by millions of Syrian refugees in Arab countries and — hopefully — facilitate their safe return. Moreover, it seeks to curb the flow of illicit drugs, smuggled from Syria to Jordan and Iraq en route to Gulf countries. Additionally, Saudi Arabia seeks to curb Iranian intervention in the region’s security, including in Syria and Yemen.

However, the normalization poses a diplomatic and ethical dilemma for the world, particularly the US and EU, who may need to impose sanctions on their allies in the Middle East to enforce sanctions on Syria. 

Concessions will erode moral legitimacy, especially considering the far-reaching consequences on human rights regionally and worldwide. Normalizing relations with Assad without accountability for crimes or essential reforms obstructs justice for Syrians and jeopardizes peace, cautioned Human Rights Watch.

Furthermore, this normalization sends a chilling message to dictators around the world, allowing human rights abuses to go unpunished, especially in light of the ongoing Russian–Ukrainian conflict.

Reactions to the normalization with Assad

The Syrian opposition rushed to criticize the Arab states’ normalization with the Assad regime. Badr Jamous, the head of the Negotiation Committee in the Syrian National Coalition for Opposition and Revolutionary Forces, warned against unconditional normalization.​​

التطبيع مع النظام السوري لإعادته إلى الجامعة العربية دون الالتزام بالحل السياسي، وعدم تطبيق القرارت الأممية وعلى رأسها بيان جنيف والقرار ٢٢٥٤، واستئناف عملية سياسية جدية وفق آلية زمنية محددة، سيعطي ضوءاً أخضر للنظام للتهرب من الاستحقاقات المطلوبة منه.
ندعو الدول العربية الشقيقة…

— د بدر جاموس Dr Bader Jamous (@JamousBader) April 12, 2023

Normalizing with the Syrian regime without its commitment to a political solution, disregarding UN resolutions, particularly Geneva Statement and Resolution 2254, and the resumption of a serious political process within a specific timeframe allows the regime to evade its obligations. We urge Arab countries to pressure for genuine national consultations to safeguard Syria and ensure a safe, dignified, and stable life for its people. Unconditional normalization contradicts Syrians interests, hampers stability, and fuels migration by eroding hope for peaceful change.

Lebanese journalist Rawaa Augé questioned if the Arab League would hold the regime accountable.

بعد دعوة بشار الأسد إلى #الجامعة_العربية، هل ستسأله الجامعة عن المعتقلين والمخفيين؟ هل ستشترط عليه وقف الاعتقالات والقصف؟ هل ستوبّخه ولو توبيخاً بسيطاً لرفع العتب؟ أم ستستقبله بالأحضان وتسمّيها لحظة تاريخيّة وتخبرنا أنّ #سوريا عادت إلى أحضان العالم العربي؟ ستنسى، فهل ننسى؟

— Rawaa Augé روعة أوجيه (@Rawaak) May 11, 2023

After Bashar Al Assad's invitation to the Arab League, will the league question him on detainees and disappeared? Demand an end to arrests and bombing? Reprimand him, even with a slight reproach, to feign concern? Or embrace him, declaring it a historic moment, telling us Syria is back to the Arab bosom? They will forget, but will we?

Journalist and human rights defender Ibrahim Zidan emphasized the atrocities committed by Assad.

So let’s remember how the Assad used to treat Syrian people. It’s the same Asad the Arab are trying to normalise and give him a chair in the Arab league.#Syria #Saudi #Iran pic.twitter.com/LAVjqPjElo

— Ibrahim Zeidan (@izeidan88) May 7, 2023

Political science professor Mark Lynch questioned the surprise over the Arab League decision.

Why would anyone think the Arab League would have a problem with welcoming Asad’s Syria back the instant it was convenient? These regimes are all brutally repressive autocracies who would commit the same war crimes if challenged and violate human rights daily. They never cared.

— Marc Lynch (@abuaardvark) May 7, 2023

At the same time, the US Department of State reiterated its rejection of this normalization.

​​After Syria’s readmission to the Arab League, questions arise about the decision's impact on the ongoing Syrian conflict and Syrians who paid a hefty price as a result. It remains uncertain if the league will hold the regime accountable or if competing interests will prevail, undermining human rights in Syria and the region, with potential global repercussion.

Written by Mariam A., مجلة بيننا Baynana Translated by Mariam A. · View original post [ar]

Originally published on Global Voices

“Kurdistan” means “the land of Kurds.” This map extends the concept to cover the greater region with any significant Kurdish population and encompasses parts of the territories of Iran, Iraq, Syria, and Turkey. Map By Ferhates – Own work. Wiki media commons, CC BY-SA 3.0

This year, stateless Kurdish journalists across all four parts of Kurdistan — where Kurds are often isolated from the larger societies of the countries in which they live: Turkey, Iraq, Syria, and Iran — are facing a particularly difficult situation due to increasing oppression and censorship by the authorities.

The Kurds, a stateless ethnic group of around 30 million people, have a shared culture, language, and identity. They have been fighting for independence for centuries, and are one of the largest groups of stateless people in the world. 

Unlike many journalists around the world who face threats related to their work, Kurdish journalists face a different kind of challenge. They lack a recognized nation-state of their own and thus have no political recognition. As a result, they face significant opposition from the counties in which they reside, which often attempt to erase their identity and suppress their freedom of expression. 

Kurdish journalists also face challenges when dealing with Kurdish authorities and political parties in the areas where they have a degree of autonomy, such as Iraq. According to a Foreign Policy article on March 22, 2023:

[Political parties in Kurdistan] restrict freedom of expression within their zones of control, forcibly preventing protests from taking place. Iraqi Kurdish journalists are regularly arrested or otherwise blocked from covering local news; a local watchdog catalogued at least 431 violations last year.

The persecution of Kurdish journalists in Turkey

This infographic is taking from Statistica, under the CC BY-ND 2.0 license. Fair use

Turkey currently holds the dubious distinction of being one of the top ten countries that have highest number of imprisoned journalists in the world according to a report by Reporters without Borders in December 2022.  The Erdogan regime increased its crackdown on Kurdish journalists as local elections approach.

Last month, at least 110 persons were arrested ahead of the Turkish presidential elections on May 14, including members of the pro-Kurdish Persons’ Democratic Party (HDP) and its deputy co-chair, Özlem Gündüz. 

HDP issued a statement on April 25, highlighting the situation: 

Police operations against the #HDP and civil society organizations

Statement by our Foreign Affairs Spokespersons:#14MayElectionshttps://t.co/Pej8Wxpi47 pic.twitter.com/EOQzT6HliD

— HDP English (@HDPenglish) April 25, 2023

Journalists working in Turkey's east and southeast, which are primarily Kurdish, are more likely to be tortured and imprisoned than in other parts of the country. They appear to be subject to different rules than their colleagues elsewhere.

Moreover, the most frequent charges brought against journalists in Turkey are insulting the president, spreading propaganda, and insulting Turkish identity. As a consequence, journalists reporting on the Kurdish issue in western Turkey are often accused of spreading propaganda and may face terrorism charges.

Challenges facing Kurdish journalists in Iraq's Kurdistan region

A group of Kurds celebrating the fall of the Saddam Hussein Regime by toppling his statue. This screenshot is of events that took place on 10 April 2003 from an AP Archive video on 21 July 2015. Fair use.

Since the fall of the regime of Saddam Hussein in April 2003, the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) has enjoyed a high degree of autonomy within the borders of the Republic of Iraq. 

Despite having its own parliament, ministries, and even laws, the region still remains unsafe for freedom of expression for Kurds. Kurdish authorities in the Kurdistan region continue to take advantage of vaguely written laws that criminalize opposing opinions.  These laws are often used to intimidate and, in some circumstances, prevent journalists, activists, and other dissenting voices in regions controlled by both the federal government and the KRG from expressing their opinions and reporting on important issues without fear of retaliation from authorities.

Kurdistan regional authorities frequently employ regional laws, including the Press Law and the Law to Prevent the Misuse of Telecommunications Equipment, to silence journalists and activists who exercise basic rights, such as the right to assembly.  

Written by Tara Aziz

Originally published on Global Voices

Image by Markus Winkler. Free to use under Unsplash License.

It is a new era in relations between Turkey and some of its once-upon-a-time foes. Most recently, it was the infamous handshake between President Erdoğan and Egypt's Abdel Fattah el-Sisi during the opening of the 2022 FIFA World Cup in Qatar on November 20.

Relations between Egypt and Turkey soured after former president Mohammed Morsi was ousted in a military-backed uprising in 2013. Morsi was a leader of the Muslim Brotherhood, which had ties with the ruling Turkish Justice and Development Party (AKP). The two countries are also on opposite ends in Libya, where Egypt has aligned with the eastern parliament in Tobruk while Turkey supports the Tripoli-based government, according to Al-Monitor. So it was not surprising that, for some observers, the photo-op did not carry much weight. In an interview with Al-Monitor, Turkey's former ambassador to Cairo, Safak Gokturk, said, “The photo of the two presidents shaking hands is high in news value but low in consequential value.”

Similarly, speaking to Al-Monitor, Sinan Ulgen, chairman of the Istanbul-based Center for Economic and Foreign Policy Studies (EDAM) and a former diplomat, said a handshake was simply not enough to overcome “the erosion of trust between the two countries,” which Ulgen described as far too great.

The photo-op also did not sit well with the opposition at home, who criticized Erdoğan's handshake in a series of tweets and statements.

With a tongue-in-cheek reference to a recent photo that both Cristiano Ronaldo and Lionel Messi shared on social media playing a game of chess together, a satirical magazine Leman, also put this image on their cover issue:

Derginiz Leman (s.1602) pic.twitter.com/oL54Ju0Yas

— LeMan (@lemandergisi) November 22, 2022

On the Syria front, there are signs from Ankara that President Erdoğan might be meeting President Assad soon. Even though, in October 2022, President Erdoğan said that a meeting with President Assad was not possible, a month later, Turkey's president reportedly said, “there is no resentment or bitterness in politics.”

Writing on the potential meeting and describing it as the “diplomacy of intelligence,” journalist Abdulkadir Selvi said the meeting would likely take place under the auspices of Russian President Vladimir Putin ahead of Turkey's general election next year.

This change came shortly after Turkey launched its largest air campaign to date — operation “Claw-Sword” — against Syrian Kurdish groups following a blast in Istanbul on November 13 for which Ankara accused Kurdish militants, namely the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) and the Syrian People's Protection Units (YPG). Both groups denied any responsibility for the bombing, which killed six and wounded more than 80 civilians. In an interview with Al-Monitor, Mazlum Kobane (also known as Mazloum Abdi), the commander of the US-backed Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), said their investigations pointed at the “Syrian opposition groups operating under Turkey's control” and that there were links to the Islamic State.

Meanwhile, the opposition Democratic People's Party (HDP), which the state accuses of collaborating with the PKK and is facing potential closure, condemned Operation Claw-Sword.

In a statement issued by the party's spokesperson, the political party implied that the government was using the bombing as a “pretext to legitimize and further its aggression against the Kurds in Syria” as well as boost the ruling party's image ahead of the general election next summer. Speaking to Al-Monitor, Mazlum Kobane agreed. “The truth is that there are two paths that lie before Erdoğan ahead of the elections. He can either reach an agreement with the Kurdish movement, and that would give him an edge in the elections, or ignite a war. They’ve chosen war. Erdogan has chosen war,” Kobane told Al-Monitor.

If there is one country enthusiastic about possible rapprochement between Erdoğan and Assad, it was Russia. Speaking at a press conference during the 19th meeting of the Astana format talks on Syria, Russian Special Presidential Envoy for Syria Alexander Lavrentyev said this decision was “vital” and “could help avoid deadly incidents involving civilians.”

“[Turkey and Syria] are neighbors and they should be friends,” Lavrentev reportedly said during the presser.

Fixing ties with Syria may have additional interests at stake for the ruling party and President Erdoğan. As authors Batu Coşkun and Gökhan Çınkara elaborate in this piece, the decision may be driven based on the domestic demands of AKP's traditional supporters, who have become increasingly resentful of migrants. “Erdoğan calculates that by striking an accord with Assad, he can initiate a process in which some of the four million Syrians living in Turkey return to Syria. Erdoğan is shifting in this direction as his traditional bases of support now demand that migrants leave the country, leaving Erdoğan and his party scrambling for a solution,” explain Coşkun and Çınkara.

Forgetting the Khashoggi murder

This summer, in June, President Erdoğan also hosted Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman of Saudi (MBS) Arabia in June. This was MBS's first visit to Turkey since the brutal killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi in Istanbul in 2018. The ruling AKP leader put in the past the accusations leveled against the Saudi government in the aftermath of the killing. Months before MBS's visit, a court in Turkey said it was moving the trial of 26 suspects linked to the journalist's murder to Saudi Arabia. Following this decision, President Erdoğan traveled to Saudi Arabia, where he announced a “new era” in relations between Turkey and Saudi Arabia. According to the Washington Post, the mending of ties was “an effort to lure investment from oil-rich Saudi Arabia during a worsening economic crisis in Turkey that has been marked by skyrocketing inflation.”

Tweeting about the MBS visit to Turkey, Khashoggi's fiance, Hatice Cengiz, wrote,

About the #Saudi Crown Prince’s trip to #Turkey: His visit to our country doesn’t change the fact that he is responsible for a #murder. The political legitimacy he earns through the visits he makes to a different country every day doesn’t change the fact that he is a murderer. pic.twitter.com/SR3G0oo4WL

— Hatice Cengiz خديجة (@mercan_resifi) June 22, 2022

According to former journalist Aslı Aydıntaşbaş, who is currently a researcher at the European Council on Foreign Relations think tank, President Erdoğan was “changing his agenda towards the Middle East, where, after the Arab Spring, Turkey's line was support for bottom-up change. That mission and that goal is now entirely abandoned, an admission on Turkey’s part of the longevity of Gulf monarchies and also a pragmatic decision to want to do business with them.”

The two leaders met again in November on the sidelines of the G20 Summit.

Finally, Turkey has also achieved significant strides in its ties with Israel. For the first time since 2008, an Israeli president — Isaac Herzog in this case — visited Ankara in March 2022. In August, the two countries announced the normalization of ties, including the return of ambassadors and consuls. Ankara did make its position on the Palestinian cause explicit, with Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu saying the thawing was not a sign that Turkey was “giving up on the Palestinian cause,” speaking to journalists in February 2022 ahead of Herzog's visit.

On November 17, President Erdoğan spoke on the phone with the designated Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. The two last spoke in 2013 when Israel officially apologized to Turkey for raiding a Gaza-bound flotilla in 2010, which killed ten Turkish citizens. The relations between the two have fluctuated greatly since then.

In a congratulatory letter to Israel’s incoming prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu, President Erdoğan said, “I congratulate you on your victory in the elections and believe that the new government will continue cooperation between the (two) countries in all areas, in a way that will bring peace and stability to our region,” according to reporting by i24News, as per Netanyahu's office.

The upcoming elections

Similar to Aydıntaşbaş, columnist Ilham Uzgen in his recent piece for BirGun newspaper, analyzed the recent strides in foreign policy, concluding that, ahead of the general election next year, President Erdoğan is using whatever tools at his disposal to secure a potential victory. “Erdogan and his team know how to follow global and regional developments and trends, take positions accordingly, and adapt to changing conditions. In the process leading up to the elections, the tools at his disposal on the economic front are more limited than in foreign policy. That's why he focused on foreign policy and security with all his means, trying to consolidate his position from here,” wrote Uzgen.

Whether it's Ankara's ties with Washington DC and the EU, or Turkey's role in the Ukraine war, President Erdoğan is seemingly turning “these separate developments into his favor.” But the question remains whether the recent developments are guarantees for his power consolidation come election time.

There is another angle, which Steven A. Cook described in this opinion piece for Foreign Policy. “What I don’t buy is that this recent flurry of diplomacy heralds some new era of peace, love, and understanding in the Middle East. Rather, the various resets and outreach underway in the region are merely another means by which its leaders can pursue the same competition and conflicts of the past decade,” wrote Cook. Specifically on Turkey warming up to Egypt and Israel, Cook described the move as Turkey wanting “de-escalate in some places so it can escalate elsewhere.”

The local opposition has also been critical of President Erdoğan's recent diplomatic advancements. Over the summer, when Ankara and Tel Aviv were restoring diplomatic ties, the leader of the main opposition Republican People's Party (CHP), Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu tweeted:

Bölgede söz sahibi ve akılcı (kapalı kapılar ardında) diplomasi yeteneği olan Türkiye’ye inanıyorum. Ancak kırmızı çizgilerimiz vardır. Uluslararası sularda vatandaşlarımızı şehit etmenin bedeli vardır. İsrail’e mesajım, bu mesele bizim için kapanmış değildir.

— Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu (@kilicdarogluk) June 26, 2022

I believe in Turkey which has a say in the region and ability to lead smart diplomacy (behind closed doors). But martyring [Turkish] citizens in international waters comes at a price. My message to Israel is that this issue is not closed for us yet.

Kılıçdaroğlu also had something to say about MBS's visit to Ankara:

Ayrıca vatanımıza gelen Bin Selman’a da bir çift sözüm var. Topraklarımızda cinayet işlemenin de bedeli vardır. Kendisiyle de hesabımız kapanmamıştır. Erdoğan’ı parmağında oynatıyor olabilir ama Türkiye büyük devlettir, topraklarımızda yaptığının bedelini kendisine ödetilecektir.

— Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu (@kilicdarogluk) June 26, 2022

I also have a few words to Bin Salman who is visiting us. Committing a murder on our soil comes at a price as well. We haven’t settled the score with him. He may be twisting Erdoğan around his little finger, but Turkey is a great state and he’ll be made to pay the price for what he did.

But that is simply not enough, explained columnist Fehim Tastekin in his piece for Al-Monitor. A prevailing tactic within the opposition CHP, “of meeting nationalist bluster with nationalist bluster or hitting Erdoğan with his own U-turns appears to raise the prospect of the opposition vying with the ruling party on who is more nationalist. And amid Ankara’s normalization efforts with regional rivals, an opposition taking up the nationalist card, too, might not set Erdoğan back as much as expected.”

Written by Arzu Geybullayeva

Originally published on Global Voices

Russian soldiers salute President Vladimir Putin at Hmeimim Air Base, during a 2017 visit. Russia's airbase in Syria serves as the launchpad from which volunteers are flown from Syria to Ukraine to fight alongside the Russian army. The image is used under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International license.

This article was first published by Raseef22 on 19 March 2022. An edited version is published as part of a republishing agreement with Global Voices.

Following years of a devastating war that continues to fragment the country, Syria is now exporting professional mercenaries to other hotspots of conflict, including Libya and the Nagorno-Karabakh region, and they are soon expected to arrive in Ukraine. They packed their fighting experience and headed to foreign arenas, some to fight in Russia’s wars and others fighting Turkey’s foreign wars.

Its like a Syrian once said: “Blackwater Latakia and Aleppo… Welcome to New Syria”.

When it comes to the recruitment of pro-regime fighters, the name of the Russian private military company Wagner Group stands out. The paramilitary organization has a special contract with the Syrian Defense Ministry to fight inside Syria.

The company coordinates with the authorities of the Hmeimim Air Base, Russia’s base of operations in Syria, to recruit Syrians for the purpose of sending them abroad. Wagner’s contractors are not openly present on the scene, but rather operate through a front consisting of Syrians to attract those who are willing.

Since the start of the Russian war on Ukraine in the last week of February 2022, many people, parties, movements, and institutions came out to say: “We are with you, Russia.” These all collectively came as an echo of the official Syrian position which firmly and resolutely stands with Russia — a position that is understandable in the general political context, as no one expects the Syrian regime to stand against its international ally.

But sending “mercenaries” to fight in Ukraine's streets is another matter entirely. It seems that the fighters affiliated with the Syrian regime and the forces that support it have once again set their sights on the dollars that working as “mercenaries” (dubbed  “volunteers”) would provide, just like when thousands went to provide support for Russia to face the Turks in Libya. How wouldn’t they, when the USD 700 dollars they were getting paid in Libya per month have gone up to a monthly USD 1000?

On March 11, 2022, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said that Moscow was deploying Syrian mercenaries in his country. Russia has not officially confirmed this, but its Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu reported that 16,000 “volunteers” from the Middle East are ready to fight alongside Russia’s allies in the Donbas region in eastern Ukraine.

The Middle East here refers to Syria — the only place where Russians have allies ready to embark on a mercenary adventure for political conditions and economic hardships the Syrian war created for its people. Also, Syria is the only place that fighters, logistically, can be transferred from to Russia, through the Hmeimim Air Base.

Russian President Vladimir Putin added:

If you see that there are these people who want of their own accord, not for money, to come to help the people living in Donbas, then we need to give them what they want and help them get to the conflict zone

Packing their bags

Majed is a 28-year-old Syrian man residing in Homs. He packed his belongings in preparation for travel and the subsequent fighting in the Donbas region.

He told Raseef22 he is a former fighter from a combat group within the backup forces in the Qalamoun region that was dissolved in 2017, referring to the Qalamoun Shield Forces, an auxiliary military group that isn’t affiliated with the government army but fights alongside it, just like the National Defense Forces, the al-Bustan Association, the Qalamoun Shield Forces, and the Tiger ‘Nimr’ Forces (named after the nickname of Brigadier General Suheil al-Hassan).

Majed recounts how he went to Libya in late 2020 and fought there over two periods. Each period of time consisted of five months, and between the two periods, he went back to Syria for three months.

He added:

Now I’ve been contracted with the Hmeimim Air Base to fight in Ukraine alongside our Russian brothers as a fighter with a salary of 1,000 dollars a month. I do not get the salary while I am on the job, but with my leave to return after seven months, I will receive the full amount for all the months as well as an additional month’s salary.

While speaking, Majed tries to wrap the issue in a principled, patriotic, nationalist, and ideological covering, but the issue has more to do with unemployment and the being used to carrying weapons.

For his part, Sami — whose real name is not used for security concerns — is a young man who was contracted with what is being called “The Campaign.” This consists of individuals who gather young people to send them abroad through a center established in Homs. He says that it is not public, and at the same time is not hidden, so whoever wants it will easily reach it.

Sami is a former fighter in the National Defense Forces. He found himself without a job following Russia’s intervention in the war in 2015 and his squad being relieved of its services. He has nothing to invest in other than his strength and his proficiency using a B7 launcher.

Sami began his talk with the necessity of supporting their “Russian brothers, repaying their moral debt to them, and standing by them.” When asked if he thinks Russia was right to annex Crimea, his reaction revealed shock at the question and lack of knowledge on the subject. He replied with: “What is Crimea?”

A former fighter in the “Fifth Assault Corps or the FAC” — a corps that was officially established in 2016 just months after the Russian intervention in Syria, to control the militias fighting alongside the regime by shaping them within a military framework with attractive pay — told Raseef22:

This corps was created in Hama under Russian-led command years ago, and will be the backbone of the (military) campaign headed to Ukraine. A fighter within this corps exclusively gets paid $200 outside of the army, and in Russia’s campaign, the amount will multiply exponentially. Everything is very enticing; food, drink and a great salary.

The fighter, who spoke to Raseef22 on the conditions of anonymity, added that fighters’ dispatch “is also secured through the Hmeimim Air Base, and it is a condition that the volunteers are strong and experienced in fighting as well as skilled in the use of weapons. They do not want people to die for free.”

He has not yet made a decision himself, saying “I am still thinking about it.”

Poverty everywhere

Syria is facing the worst economic conditions since the outbreak of violence over a decade ago, which is the key factor driving young Syrians towards choices such as these. These young men are easily scouted by agents who are tasked with connecting the willing with the Hmeimim Air Base in return for an amount of money that would be agreed upon in advance with each fighter, usually a month or half a month’s salary. It is a “business” that is currently in progress, just like what happened in their deployment to Libya.

Around 30,000 young men have signed up to “volunteer,” according to various sources closely following this issue, most notably a Syrian officer who is linked to the Hmeimim Air Base and is coordinating with the Syrian apparatus, asking them to check the criminal records of those volunteering before accepting them. The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights (SOHR) has spoken of numbers reaching up to “more than 40,000.”

But not all those who signed up will be accepted. There are criteria and requirements that play an important role. The Russians, strangely enough, refuse to accept any recruits who have committed serious crimes, or those who are wanted for military service.

The initial contract — the contents of which Sami explained to Raseef22 — states that whoever is killed will not be treated as a martyr in his country, rather, his family will be compensated with a sum of money that is not specified in the contract. The contract also includes a clause that was part of the contracts of the mercenaries sent to Libya, which states that there will be no leave or a return home for the first seven months.

On the other hand, the Syrian Observatory stated that, in addition to the campaigns to recruit fighters for Russia, “mercenary leaders and forces that fought in Libya and Azerbaijan have submitted lists of hundreds of people, in preparation for military operations in Ukraine against Russia.” It spoke of “monthly salaries exceeding $2000 US dollars.”

The observatory indicated that “Turkish-backed factions have prepared lists in large numbers, by order of the Turkish intelligence,” but that no fighters have left for Ukraine as of yet.

Written by Raseef22

Originally published on Global Voices

Screenshot from Military Footage Archive Youtube channel showing Ukrainian soldiers defending a building in Kyiv

As the Russian invasion of Ukraine drags on, the conflict has increasingly focused on urban hubs. The cities of Mariupol near the Black Sea and Kharkiv near the Belarusian and Russian border have been fully surrounded by Russian forces, facing hourly bombing campaigns for weeks. The 350,000 residents of Mariupol have been fully besieged without food or water. 

The capital of Ukraine, Kyiv, has been under attack from the start of the invasion on February 24, 2022. On March 8, Russia opened a second front on the capital from the northeast, attempting to surround it fully. As of March 19, six million people have been internally displaced and 3 million people have left the country. 

Russian military maneuvers are evolving from slow ground movements across the country to aggressive urban warfare. Fighting is increasingly moving away from the command of critical supply routes to the control of key neighborhoods. Reports have indicated that Russia is already recruiting Syrian and Chechen fighters skilled in urban warfare, in anticipation of battles for city centers. 

It is likely that fighting within Ukraine’s major cities will significantly delay the Russian offensive. In 2016, the Iraqi army, with 100,000 soldiers, took more than eight months to capture Mosul, a city with a few thousand Islamic State fighters. In 1994, 60,000 Russian troops spent five months in Chechnya attempting to occupy its capital Grozny.

If Russia’s previous urban offensives are indicative of a larger pattern, the combat in Ukraine’s cities will lead to massive casualties, starvation, and failure of most humanitarian convoys. Russia could again weaponize refugees, use illegal munitions, or rely on tactical nuclear strikes on key infrastructure to pressure full surrender. Regardless of the methods, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine will continue to exacerbate one of the worst humanitarian crises in Europe since World War II.

Russia's history of urban warfare 

Several international military and policy experts are concerned that Russia’s assault on Kyiv will resemble fighting in Chechnya and Syria. Michael Kofman, an expert on the Russian military at the Center for Naval Analyses noted “But I'm fairly concerned that that might actually turn into some smaller or lesser version of Grozny.”

In 1994, despite expectations of a quick victory, 60,000 Russian troops spent five months in Chechnya attempting to occupy its capital Grozny. Pavel Grachev, Russia’s Minister of Defense from 1992–1996 predicted that Russia could take Grozny, a city of 490,000, in under two hours with just a few paratroopers. Before the invasion, Russia predicted that Chechens would not resist, but instead would welcome the invading troops. 

Here Russia broke one key rule of propaganda: lie to others, not to yourself. Take this telling example: In a regiment of the 90th Tank Division, 49 out of 56 platoon leaders had just graduated from the academy; half had never fired a live round with their tanks. Many had been told they were going on a training mission, not a military intervention into Chechnya.

On New Year's Eve 1995, Russian troops surrounded Grozny from three sides and began the invasion from the north. After heavy losses in Russia’s “Maikop” Brigade in the early days of the invasion, the army started primarily relying on artillery support. For 20 days and nights, bombs covered Grozny, often more than 3,000 strikes per hour. 

When Russian troops did enter the city, they were not prepared for urban warfare, which led to rampant incidents of fratricide. The overlapping layers and boundaries of Grozny gave a clear advantage to the defending troops familiar with the buildings, neighborhoods, metros, and sewer systems. Chechens had removed or shuffled around street signs, and boobytrapped doorways and bodies of soldiers.

In the Journal of Military Medicine, Major General V. S. Novikov noted that after four months of fighting, “72 percent [of soldiers] had some type of psychological disorder (46 percent exhibited asthenic depression symptoms — insomnia, lack of motivation, anxiety, neuro-emotional stress, or tiredness — and the other 26 percent exhibited psychotic reactions such as high anxiety or aggressiveness, a deterioration of moral values or interpersonal relations, and excitement or depression).” The symptoms were exacerbated the longer a soldier stayed fighting in the city. The war also exacted lasting damages on the city’s children. One physician during the war pointed out the children “have become more aggressive, nervous, cruel.” 

While the Russian military has significantly changed and modernized since the 1990s, they have used similar strategies in Syria. During the Syrian Civil War, partly due to Russian air support, the 2016 battle for Aleppo marked some of the deadliest fighting of the whole war. Russian bombing campaigns targeted residential houses, markets, and schools. More than 400 civilians and 90 children were killed in the attacks, using incendiary and cluster munitions, weapons officially banned by Protocol III of the Convention on Conventional Weapons (CCW). 

Russian officers and analysts continued to maintain that all of their attacks focused on enemy infrastructure. Alexander Lapin, Russia’s colonel-general of the Central Military District, stated that Russian airstrikes only targeted the enemy’s logistic routes, blaming the anti-Assad forces for all civilian bombing. 

During Russia’s participation in the Syrian civil war, the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) reported that chemical weapons were most likely used 17 times. Moscow purposefully delayed OPCW’s investigation, while actively denying and covering up all use of chemical weapons in Syria. 

During Moscow’s assault on civilian infrastructure, Russia weaponized citizens fleeing their homes to destabilize the region. Starting in 2016, Russia’s illegal bombing campaigns targeted 14 hospitals. The attacks across cities forced more than 10 million Syrians to flee their home. In 2016, then Prime Minister of Turkey Ahmet Davutoğlu and former leader of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) said Russia was “behaving like a terrorist organization and forcing civilians to flee,” through bombardments “without any discrimination between civilians and soldiers, or children and the elderly.”

Okba Mohammad, a journalist at Baynana, an Arabic-language human rights outlet in Spain, noted that “Russia was the architect of humanitarian corridors, which, as Syrians, we consider displacement under Russian oversight. It is currently replicating this strategy in Ukraine. Russia usually targets civilians and their gatherings to create pressure and achieve gains.” Reports and investigations have echoed a similar point.  

Across the board, Russian military training has shifted its focus to cities as the main battleground. Alexander Zhuravlev, Colonel-General who led Russian forces in Syria, expressed concern in 2018 about “illegal armed forces” lodged in cities. Groups like ISIS would concentrate on urban geographies and “turn them into fortresses.” As a result, since 2018, the Russian military has built several urban-warfare training centers across the country in anticipation. 

If Russia decides to engage in prolonged urban warfare across Ukraine, it will likely last for years and cost hundreds of thousands of lives. The mayor of Kyiv, Vitali Klitschko publicly declared that “Every house, every street, every checkpoint will resist, until death if necessary.” Civilians across Ukraine have been mixing Molotov cocktails, changing direction signs across the country, and engaging in sabotage. 

Due to military failure in some cities, the Russian army has already started relying on artillery bombardments and indiscriminate killing of civilians. Russia's attack on the Mariupol theater that killed 300 civilians is just the start of a much bloodier urban campaign. 

For more information about this topic, see our special coverage Russia invades Ukraine.

Written by Global Voices Central & Eastern Europe

Originally published on Global Voices

Screenshot from an Al Jazeera English documentary on the trial of Anwar Raslan, showing the convict in court, with his face blurred. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2nxTOQJS5ac

Survivors of torture in Syrian prisons celebrated a verdict made at 10 a.m. on Thursday, January 13 by Koblenz Court in Germany, convicting former officer in the Syrian regime Anwar Raslan of crimes against humanity. Many also demanded the end of torture for their loved ones still held in Syrian prisons.

Screenshot from video by Omar Alshogre, a Syrian activist who endured three years of torture in a secret prison, who said the ruling renews hope that the Bashar al-Assad regime will fall.

After nearly two years of trial, former colonel Raslan was sentenced to life imprisonment after being found guilty of murdering over 30 people, and sexually assaulting and torturing over 4,000 opposition activists in the notorious Branch 251 of the state's intelligence service, known as Al-Khatib branch, between 2011 and 2012.

Fadwa Mahmoud, a Syrian woman based in Germany, wrote on Twitter:

انا اليوم اتيت الى كوبلنز لاحضر جلسة حكم مجرم من المجرمين في سوريه ولكن هل هذا يحقق لي العداله انا كأم وكزوجه لا تعر ف مصير عائلتها من تسع سنوات .خطوه جيده ولكن نحن بعيدون عن العداله كما بعدي عن احبابي . بدنا العداله للمعتقلين

— فدوى محمود (@fadwa_mahmoud) January 12, 2022

Today I came to Koblenz to attend the sentencing of one criminal from among the criminals of Syria, but does this bring justice to me as a mother and as a wife who does not know the fate of her family for nine years? [It's] a good step, but we are as far away from justice as I am from my loved ones. We want justice for the detainees.”

Anwar Raslan is a Syrian intelligence officer until 2012, and a political refugee in Germany since 2014, where he was active in the political opposition after his defection from the Syrian regime and participated in the Geneva negotiations in 2014.

However, this did not protect him from a warrant issued against him by the German public prosecutor, and did not prevent his arrest on February 13, 2019, along with another lower ranking intelligence officer, Iyad Gharib. Nearly a year ago, Gharib was sentenced to four-and-a-half years in prison for complicity in crimes against humanity.

#سماء_محمود تحمل صورة عمها حيان محمود الذي اعتقل في فرع الخطيب عندما كان أنور رسلان مدير التحقيق. :”العدالة أنو ما يشم الهوا والعدالة أنو (أنور رسلان)
ما يطلع طول ما في معتقلين” #الاسد #سوريا #سورية pic.twitter.com/lfDLmIPMHk

— Fattum Abdulfattah (@fattumabdulfat1) January 13, 2022

#Samaa_Mahmoud holds the photo of her uncle Hayyan Mahmoud who was arrested in Al-Khatib branch when Raslan was head of investigations: “Justice is for him not to breathe air, and justice is for him [Anwar Raslan] not to come out for as long as there are prisoners” #Assad #Syria

The sentence, described by the Human Rights Watch as “historic,” is the first against a high-ranking official from the Bashar al-Assad regime for torture and human rights violations.

Omar Alshogre, an activist who survived three years of torture in a secret Syrian prison, said in a video he published on Twitter that the ruling renews hope among Syrians that the regime will fall:

مبروك للشعب السوري الحكم “السجن مدى الحياة” بحق مجرم الحرب أنور رسلان. #مية_وردة pic.twitter.com/MDrhS3kJwH

— Omar Alshogre (@omarAlshogre) January 13, 2022

Congratulations to the Syrian nation the life sentence handed to the war criminal Anwar Raslan.

According to media reports, the German court drew its verdict against Raslan from 100 testimonies of torture survivors in Branch 251 who came face to face with the head of the investigations department at the branch, Anwar Raslan, and gave detailed accounts of physical and verbal abuse.

After a complete denial, Raslan amended his statements in his closing arguments and admitted the existence of torture and the killing  ofdetainees inside the branch, but he denied responsibility.

Yassin Al Haj Saleh, a Syrian activist, wrote:

الحكم على أنور رسلان شيء كويس، من أجل الضحايا المباشرين، ومن أجل تجريم مخابرات النظام عموما. وربما يساهم في جعل التطبيع مع النظام أصعب.
لكنه ليس خطوة نحو العدالة للسوريين.
ما في داعي للتهويل، ولا للتهوين.

— Yassin Al Haj Saleh (@Yassinhs) January 13, 2022

Sentencing Anwar Raslan is a good thing, for the sake of the direct victims, and for criminalizing the regime's intelligence services in general. It may contribute to making normalization with the regime more difficult.
But it is not a step towards justice for the Syrians.
There is no need to exaggerate, nor to underestimate, it.

Meanwhile, Mansour al-Omari, a human rights activist and former detainee, wrote on Facebook:

The Koblenz Supreme Court: Life imprisonment for Anwar Raslan for crimes against humanity including torture, 27 murders, and sexual violence. Torture is among the most serious international crimes. Al-Assad’s institutions of torture must ended, not normalized and rehabilitated.”

Journalist Nour Al-Huda Murad, wrote on Twitter:

أهم مافي محكمة #كوبلنز هو الأمل بأن عدالة ما من الممكن تحقيقها، عشرات الشهادات، وآلاف التفاصيل التي توضع في محكمة لأول مرة عما يحدث داخل السجون السورية.
قلوبنا مع كل شاهد اضطر لاستذكار مسلسل من الألم والإفصاح عنه ومواجهة سجانه.
وبانتظار خطوات قادمة ضد مجرمي النظام الطلقاء!

— نور الهدى مراد (@Nour_H_Murad) January 13, 2022

The most important thing in the Koblenz court is the hope that some kind of justice can be achieved. Dozens of testimonies, and thousands of details that are put in court for the first time about what is happening inside Syrian prisons. Our hearts are with every witness who was forced to recall a series of pain, reveal it and confront their jailer. [We are] waiting for the next steps against the regime's criminals who are at large!

Written by Okba Mohammed

Originally published on Global Voices

Screenshot from Reuters video.

On September 29, the leaders of Turkey and Russia met in the Russian Black Sea city of Sochi to talk about conflicts in Syria and Libya, their presence in the south Caucasus, energy, and a new missile deal.

Held behind closed doors, the meeting lasted for roughly three hours. Both President Erdoğan and President Putin refrained from making any joint statements to the press.

However, one brief encounter between the two leaders circulated widely online — a conversation about antibodies.

Putin: Everyone around me got Covid-19, but my antibodies are quite high.

Erdogan: What is your level?

Putin: 15-16, I don't remember.

Erdogan: It's too low, mine is over a thousand ??pic.twitter.com/wKvNpqHp2j

— İmdat Oner (@im_oner) September 30, 2021

But while President Erdoğan was boasting about his personal level of antibodies, it may have been the only positional advantage he held. According to Kerim Has, an independent analyst and lecturer at Moscow University, the meeting this week was one where Erdoğan had the “weakest hand.”

Erdoğan, son 19 yıldaki “en zayıf haliyle” Rusya’ya gidiyor:

- İçeride düşen oylar

- Kötüleşen ekonomi

- İngiltere hariç neredeyse herkesle kavgalı bir dış politika

- İdlib vs. bölgesel gerilim alanlarında yeni çıkmazlar

- Doğalgazda biten kontratlarhttps://t.co/VBRJK3iCxO

— Kerim HAS (@Kerim_HAS) September 29, 2021

Erdogan is going to Russia with “weakest hand” in 19 years; he is losing support at home; the economy is worsening; the country is deploying a foreign policy at odds with almost everyone except Britain; there are new dead ends in Idlib and other regional tensions; ending natural gas deals.

Similarly, in her op-ed for The Washington Post, journalist Asli Aydintasbas wrote:

When Erdogan met with Putin in Sochi on Wednesday, he probably had big favors to ask and not much to offer.

The meeting between Erdogan and Putin lasted nearly three hours, and it's hard to know what Turkey got out of it. But what is clear is that Erdogan's traditional balancing act is no longer working, and Putin is the one in a position of strength, able to pressure Turkey economically and in Syria.

Key takeaways

The meeting was the first face-to-face interaction between the two leaders in more than a year, due to pandemic imposed restrictions.

Following the meeting, both presidents spoke separately on the outcomes to local media. President Erdoğan praised the military deals with Russia, reinforcing the plans to purchase a second batch of S-400s missiles. The first such deal ended with Turkey getting economic and travel sanctions imposed by the US, and the US cancelling Turkey's purchase of next generation F-35 warplanes in 2019, according to reporting by the New York Times.

For his part, President Putin praised energy deals between the two countries and the mutual “compromises” the two countries have learned to make over the years.

But, aside from bilateral cooperation, the most important item on the agenda between the two leaders was the situation in Syria, specifically in Idlib, where there are signs of a new offensive by the Syrian army against Turkey-backed rebels.

Russia is the main ally of the Syrian government, backing the Syrian army, while Turkey supports rebel groups involved in unseating President Bashar al-Assad. Idlib is the final hold-out of rebel forces supported by Turkey. It is also home to more than 3.4 million Syrians, according to some estimates.

Tensions in Idlib have been high despite a ceasefire deal that was reached in March last year between Russia and Turkey. Some 10,000 Turkish troops are deployed in the province to deter any Syrian army offensive, and the country sent reinforcements ahead of the meeting between the two presidents. Last year's deal, however, “has come under strain in recent weeks with air and ground bombardments of rebel-held positions,” reported Middle East Eye. According to the media platform, citing information obtained from a senior Turkish official, the two leaders did reach an agreement to keep the status-quo in Idlib.

A new offensive in Idlib means a new wave of Syrians crossing the border into Turkey, where there are already some four million Syrian refugees. Before meeting his counterpart on September 29, President Erdoğan stressed the importance of securing peace in Syria not only for the immediate situation but as a long term plan, to finally end the war.

According to Mark N. Katz, an expert at Atlantic Council, while the meeting in Sochi did not resolve major differences between the two regional heavyweights, “it did prevent them from getting worse.” But local experts disagree. In an interview with DW, retired Turkish ambassador Ünal Çeviköz drew attention to the absence of a joint statement after the meeting between Putin and Erdoğan.

This meeting goes against the diplomatic conventions. Failure to make a joint statement after face to face meeting, either indicates a situation that requires state secrecy, or is a sign the government is hiding from the public whatever bargain it has made. We, are witnessing the latter.

Aydın Sezgin, another former ambassador, shares Çeviköz's sentiment, adding in an interview with DW that this was the first time that the presidents refrained from making a joint statement following their meeting. “It is a habit for Putin — to always bring his closest aides and ministers to the meetings. It is worth considering. Either there are elements worth hiding, or the bargaining will continue,”  he added.

Faced with mounting criticism over the financial downturn, rising living costs and flare ups against refugee communities across the country, it may not be surprising after all that President Erdoğan chose to refrain from making promising statements on the meeting with his counterpart in Sochi.

Written by Arzu Geybullayeva

Originally published on Global Voices

Earthern berms have been erected by Assad regime forces to block residents’ movement in and out of several neighborhoods across Daraa province. Photo captured by Lawrence Abu Adam. Used with permission.

Syria's Assad regime and its Russian allies are leading a new campaign against the city of Daraa in the country's south, the wellspring of the Syrian revolution. Since June 25, several neighborhoods in the province have been placed under a brutal siege aimed at exerting pressure on its residents in revenge for their popular movement against the presidential election held last May.

The election, which the regime declared Bashar to have won with sweeping figures, was widely deemed to be illegitimate, with many citizens choosing to boycott in order to register their dissatisfaction.

Along with the security restrictions imposed on Daraa's neighborhoods (including the eastern district of Tareeq Al-Sadd), its refugee camp, IDP (Internally Displaced People) camps and farms close to the area, the siege suffocates 11,000 families or 50,000 people according to activists’ and journalists’ estimates.

Hassan Al-Hariri, President of the Syrian Council for Change and a member of the opposition on the country's Constitutional Committee, confirmed in an email interview with Global Voices that many areas in Daraa are now experiencing a tightening of the siege by the forces of Assad's regime, as punishment for the city's rejection of the election process and its outcome. This rejection, he said, was significant since it happened not just in the city center, but also in the area's eastern and western countrysides. The result was a failed election in the whole governorate, said activists, — an unprecedented occurrence in the history of the Assad regime (both father and son).

 The Syrian right activist Ahmad Abazeid tweeted:

صور من السواتر الترابية التي رفعتها قوات النظام على مداخل #درعا_البلد
بدأت إجراءات الحصار وقطع الطرق منذ 24 حزيران الحالي، بعد ضغوط روسية وطلب تسليم السلاح الخفيف من الأهالي #فكوا_الحصار_عن_درعا_البلد pic.twitter.com/JDqWMX62B9

— أحمد أبازيد (@abazeid89) June 29, 2021

 Images of the mounds of sand which forces of the Assad regime erected at the entrance of Daraa Al-Balad

  The blockade and road closures began on June 24 after the Russians’ pressure and their demand that the people of Daraa surrender their light weapons

Speaking to Mohammad [pseudonym used for security reasons], a member of the Central Committee of Daraa assigned to negotiate with the Assad regime and Russia, Global Voices learned that the targeting of Daraa began immediately after the elections. It gradually became a total siege, he said, that included the closure of roads—with security barriers and earthen berms—leading to the neighborhoods of Daraa and Tareeq Al-Sadd, except for a single outlet at which military security forces are stationed, where they exert pressure, issue threats, and detain and kidnap civilians.

Describing the humanitarian situation there, Al-Jazeera correspondent Omar Al-Hourani wrote:

Provocations and security procedures

Mohammad said that the Assad regime is standing behind this escalation with the support of Russia, which has assumed the role of the guarantor in the 2018 settlement agreement negotiations, under which the regime gained control of Daraa. According to Mohammad, Russia supervised the recent escalations, led by Chechen general Assad Allah, who was put in charge of the operations in southern Syria two months ago. 

As far as the Central Committee goes, Mohammad said it has resisted entry of the Assad regime's army for inspection purposes, and rejected its demand for weapons to be relinquished: 

What remained of weapons are for personal use by some individuals. There are no longer any weapons left after the dissolution of the opposition factions and them handing over their weapons under the Settlement Agreement in exchange for the agreed conditions of the army withdrawing from cities and villages, the release of detainees, the lifting of the security grip and the return of employees to their jobs. However, none of these terms have been met.

The military escalation was expected, he said, especially after the deployment of security personnel and the threat of warplanes flying over the area. Nevertheless, negotiations continued with the Russian general, in which residents confirmed that their weapons were not for warfare purposes, but for self-defense. “We do not want war, we want security and stability,” he added.

The ‘politically useful Syria’

Geopolitically, southern Syria's strategic position is very important. Al-Hariri calls it the “politically useful Syria” due to its sharing of borders with more than one Arab state, most importantly Palestine.

Since the Assad regime regained control over southern Syria within the framework of the 2018 settlement agreement, it has launched, along with Moscow, numerous military campaigns and continued threats of escalations in Daraa governorate. There have been no humanitarian or security improvements; rather, the region has experienced violence, arrests, and assassinations over the past three years. Naba News, citing the Martyrs’ Documentation Office—an independent entity that monitors regime and pro-regime violations in southern Syria—reported  that 173 people have been killed and 75 others wounded, with nearly 279 assassinations being documented in the first half of 2021, most of them in western Daraa.

Under Syria's dire economic conditions, the siege has exacerbated the humanitarian situation. Lawrence Abu-Adam, a journalist based in the besieged area, told Global Voices that living conditions are plummeting. Referring to the worsening of the health situation after severe shortages of essential items and the closure of the only roads leading to the city's hospitals and medical centers, he called the situation “tragic”. He also said that journalists working in the besieged areas are receiving threats and, after the Assad regime included their names on assassination and terrorism lists, their lives are in danger.

As a result, calls for solidarity with Daraa have grown worldwide. One was made by German-based Syrian doctor Maysoun Berkdar:

Ten years ago, Daraa gave us the right to talk. Give it a voice today. Daraa is besieged and threatened.

#Freedom4Daraa

Using the #break_the_siege_on_Daraa hashtag, many Arab and Syrian activists and journalists have launched social media campaigns in solidarity with Daraa. Others have organized calls for peaceful demonstrations demanding the lifting of the blockade.

Palestinian journalist Mona Hawwa tweeted:

درعا تبعد عن القدس مسافة 3 ساعات و20 دقيقة بالعربة، تبعد مسافة أغنيتين لأم كلثوم، وصرخة.. في عالم آخر كان يمكن في نفس اليوم أن نأكل المليحي في حوران ونشرب القهوة مع الكنافة في نابلس. درعا المهد والحب المسكوت عنه والصرخة اليتيمة. باسمها وباسم أحرار الأرض من فلسطين، هنا #درعا.

— مُنى حوّا • Muna Hawwa (@MunaHawwa) June 28, 2021

Daraa is three hours and 20 minutes away from Jerusalem by car, (that's equal to two songs by [Egyptian singer] Umm Kulthum and a cry). In another world, on the same day, we could eat Al-Malehi in Horan and drink coffee with Kunafa in Nablus. Daraa is the cradle, the unspoken love, and an orphaned cry. In her name and in the name of the free people of the land from Palestine, here is #Daraa.

Efforts and appeals

Internationally, states that have been involved in the Syrian issue have remained silent regarding the current events. Meanwhile, the Syrian opposition, through various bodies and institutions, has appealed to the international community to intervene in order to prevent a humanitarian disaster. Al-Hariri's France-based Syrian Council for Change has met directly with several political figures to press for a decisive stance on the situation, and the Syrian Opposition Coalition has addressed foreign humanitarian organizations and international policy-makers.

In defiance of the regime and as an expression of steadfastness, demonstrations took place in Daraa al-Balad on July 2, the ninth day of the siege. Various parts of the country—including several villages in northwestern Idlib—also joined in the demonstrations, calling for the lifting of the siege and the downfall of the Assad regime:

بأهازيجها الجميلة تستمر مظاهرات #درعا_البلد وسط تهديدات النظام باقتحام المدينة #درعا_البلد_مهد_الثورة pic.twitter.com/Lo3NgtcJJv

— Omar Alhariri (@omar_alharir) July 2, 2021

With beautiful cheers, Daraa's protests continue amidst threats by the regime to storm the city. #Daraa_the_cradle _of_the_revolution

Written by Mousa Mohamed – موسى محمد Translated by Ayat Qadomee · View original post [ar]

Originally published on Global Voices

An image from a video clip showing Syrians massing in Daraa against the Assad regime and the presidential elections.

While Syria ostensibly witnessed a presidential election on May 26 that was celebrated by the regime and some parts of the country, several regions in the Daraa governorate in the south of Syria staged a popular uprising against what they described as a ‘farcical play’, holding demonstrations and strikes, while insurgents attacked pro-regime entities.

#Syria: Demonstration in Daraa Al-Balad now, against the Syrian presidential elections.#Daraa pic.twitter.com/DVpu8OEj7F

— Fared Almhlol (@FARED_ALHOR) May 25, 2021

The elections were held as scheduled to elect Bashar Al-Assad as the president of war-torn Syria for a fourth term extending to 2028, after his election in 2000, 2007 and 2014. To complete what many people in Syria, Europe and the United States, considered as a ‘fake scene’, the regime expectedly declared Al-Assad the winner, and the president of the Syrian state with 95.1 percent of the votes, totaling around 10 million citizens.

However, in Daraa, the cradle of the Syrian 2011 revolution, and despite being officially under the regime's control for three years, voter turnout across the 200 ballot boxes was very weak. Thousands of demonstrators gathered in Daraa Al-Balad, Al-Harak, Nahtah, Bosra Al-Sham, Bosra Al-Harir and Al-Jizah in the east of the governorate, voicing their rejection to the elections, according to the Horan Free League, which focuses on southern Syria news. There, demonstrators chanted for the overthrow of the regime and raised many slogans, including: “No future for the Syrians with the Killer.”

Wow — just extraordinary.

This isn't from 2011, it's a video from a major protest today in #Daraa, next to the Omari Mosque, in which demonstrators are chanting against #Assad & the revolutionary flag is being flown.pic.twitter.com/C8zDU7CXG6

— Charles Lister (@Charles_Lister) March 18, 2021

يحصل في سوريا أنه ورغم كل ما حصل ويحصل، يخرج آلاف السوريين حول جامع العمري في درعا حيث انطلقت المظاهرات قبل عشرة أعوام، ليعلنوا ليلة المهزلة المسماة زورا انتخابات، أن الثورة مستمرة وأن الشعب يريد الحياة.

— alia (@aliamansour) June 1, 2021

What is happening in Syria is that, despite everything that has happened and is happening, thousands of Syrians go out around Al-Omari Mosque in Daraa, where demonstrations had begun ten years ago, to announce the farcical night that is falsely called elections. The revolution goes on and that the nation want life.

— alia (@aliamansour) June 1, 2021

Meanwhile, several villages in the east and the west of the governorate, including Dael, Nawa, Jiza, Jassim and others, announced a strike, closing the shops and cutting off roads connecting them with the city for several days, as an expression of their opposition to what they called “the electoral play”.

Polling stations under attack

Several areas of the governorate witnessed a military escalation on polling day as a result of regime-affiliated sites coming under attack by armed opposition, along with polling stations and pro-regime figures.

#أحرار_حوران
قوات الأسد شنّت منذ صباح اليوم الخميس، حملة دهم وتفتيش للمنازل في مدينة #داعل بريف #درعا الأوسط،واعتقلت عدد من المدنيين وأحرقت منزلاً لآخر،انتقاماً من الهجوم الذي تعرضت له القوات الليلة الماضية في الفرقة الحزبية بالمدينة.
فرضت قوات الأسد حظر تجوال في المدينة منذ

— ثورة (@thawraa_syr) May 27, 2021

#Ahraar_Houran
Since Thursday morning, Al-Assad's forces launched a campaign of raiding and searching homes in Dael city in the central countryside of Daraa, and arrested a number of civilians and burned another house, in retaliation for the attack on the forces last night in the partisan division in the city.
Al-Assad's forces imposed a curfew in the city.

Media activist from Daraa governorate, Hussein Al-Muhammad, said anonymous persons targeted with grenades the municipality buildings where ballot boxes were located in Sidon, Al-Harra, Nimr and Al-Naima, without causing any casualties, in addition to the homes of Al-Baath party members in Sidon and Al-Naima, in the east of Daraa, being attacked with automatic weapons.

Speaking to Global Voices (GV), Al-Mohammed added that other military points of the Syrian regime were targeted with machine guns, such as those in Eastern Karak, and military points belonging to the Air Force Intelligence between Ghassam, Al-Sahwa and Western Maliha, and as well as regime-affiliated targets in cities like Nawa, Eastern Karak, Al-Musayfirah, Al-Sanamayn, Hajjah and Khirbet Ghazala.

In Daraa's countryside district of Dael, the headquarters of Al-Baath party division came under attack by unknown people with machine guns and RPG launchers, as violent clashes took place in the city's neighbourhood that lasted for hours. As a result of that, the regime forces suffered many losses.

In response to these attacks, local sources said the Syrian regime forces imposed a curfew in Dael since the early hours of the polling day, announcing that through mosque loudspeakers. In the morning of Thursday, May 27, the regime launched raids and search campaigns, arresting a number of civilians for a few hours before releasing them.

#درعا_داعل إلى الأن وضع المدينة متوتر وحظر تجوال واعتقالات وحرق لمنازل المدنيين
واعتقال كل من
1_ مصطفى ابو زيد
2_ وليد تركي الشحادات
3_أحمد موسى الحريري #لاشرعية_للاسد_وانتخاباته pic.twitter.com/IOeC27SB8K

— قاسم الجاموس أبو وطن (@JamousKasem) May 27, 2021

#Daraa_Dael so far the situation in the city is troubled. Curfew, arrests and burning of civilians’ homes.
The arrest of:
1_ Mustafa Abu Zeid
2_ Walid Turki Shehadat
3_Ahmed Musa al-Hariri
#The_illegality_of_Al-Assad_and_his_elections
pic.twitter.com/IOeC27SB8K

Daraa is always present

The anti-regime protests in Daraa governorate were not particularly linked to the elections. According to Walid Al-Nawfal, a journalist at the independent Syria Direct, Daraa has been witnessing continuous protests since the Syrian regime and its allies took control of it in the summer of 2018.

As a reminder — #Daraa remains chronically unstable & quite clearly not “in regime control” as might generally be understood.

In the past week alone, 8+ #Assad-linked individuals have been killed in insurgent attacks. https://t.co/gpTHzecFIG

— Charles Lister (@Charles_Lister) May 24, 2021

Al-Nawfal told GV: “We always see peaceful movements in Daraa demanding the release of detainees and expulsion of Iranian militias,” adding that large swathes of Daraa always react to important events happening in Syria through rallies, which have not stop since the signing of the Russia-brokered settlement agreement between the regime and the opposition in July 2018. Therefore, as he puts it, “Daraa is always present.”

From Al-Nawfal’s point of view, the Syrian regime considers several areas of Daraa to be out of its control, and under the control of settlement factions and negotiation committees, so it is likely that the regime will launch military operations with the aim of extending its influence in these areas and empowering local militias associated with it, which will, in turn, result in clan disputes, and in those opposing the settlement to move towards the north, like what happened in the village of Umm-Batna in Quneitra city in mid-May.

As for the impact of the popular uprising on the presidential elections, Al-Nawfal noted:

صوّت بشار الأسد اليوم من مدينة دوما بريف دمشق، التي كانت من أبرز معاقل المعارضة وهي إحدى أكثر المدن التي تعرضت لدمار وخسائر بالأرواح بفعل النظام وروسيا، ليوصل رسالة للسوريين وللعالم أن الحرب إنتهت وهو المنتصر، لكن الاحتجاجات الشعبية في درعا والمستمرة منذ أيام أفشلت المسرحية التي حاول بشار الأسد تمريرها.

Al-Assad voted today from Douma city in the countryside of Damascus, which was one of the most prominent opposition strongholds, and one of the cities that have been most hit and lost many lives at the hands of the regime and Russia, to send a message to Syrians and the world that the war is over and that he is the victor. But the Daraa's protests that have been going on for days have thwarted the play which Al-Assad tried to pass.

Al-Nawfal predicted a long-term crackdown by the regime in response to the protests, through arrest campaigns that may target shop owners who declared a strike and closed their stores.

The United States, France, Britain and other members of the UN Security Council rejected the result of the Syrian presidential elections in advance, while the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy of the European Union, Josep Borrell, emphasized that normalization with the Syrian regime, lifting sanctions, or supporting reconstruction efforts cannot be achieved unless a political transition schedule is set in accordance with UN Security Council resolutions.

Written by عقبة محمد – Mohammed Okba Translated by Rahma Alattar · View original post [ar]

Image: “The Sea Cemetery” / Youtube

The humanitarian aid agency Support to Life is working to increase global awareness about the more than 4,000 refugees from Syria who have died trying to cross the Mediterranean Sea. As part of this effort, the organization has launched a film project called “The Sea Cemetery,” which features different depictions of the dead.

The 90-second video says the following:

Since the beginning of the Syrian civil war, 4.6 million Syrian people have left their homeland. Crossing the Mediterranean Sea became the last route to hope. And, the deadliest route of the 21st century.

More than 4,000 Syrian refugees, including many children, lost their lives at sea. Many of them couldn't be identified, and couldn't be found. Now the sea is their final resting place. The sea is their grave. The sea cemetery.

In Memory of thousands of Syrian refugees…

Internet users around the world have shared their reactions to the film, expressing their solidarity with the dead refugees. On Twitter, Emilie Hasrouty drew special attention to the floating tombstones in the film:

٢٠٠ قبر عائم فوق البحر المتوسط تكريماً لضحايا اللجوء السوري الذي ابتلع ٤٠٠٠ روح. عمل فني مؤثر حول مأساة غير مسبوقة.https://t.co/YrnFdXlM4u

— Emilie Hasrouty (@Emiliehasrouty) May 23, 2016

200 floating tombstones over the Mediterranean Sea which swallowed 4,000 souls, in honor of Syrian asylum victims. An influential work of art about unprecedented tragedy.

Despite dying in the attempt to flee, Tammy Kling felt the refugees did everything they could:

The sea cemetery. It's much better to have died trying to escape war, with hope of a better life than to lose hope. pic.twitter.com/aV1WK10C4H

— Tammy Kling (@tammykling) June 6, 2016

Support to Life's film even drew the attention of Joseph Daul, a French politician and the president of the European People's Party.

As we praise the blue sea in #Nice today, we must not forget that it’s the sea that becomes a cemetery for migrants, as HH @Pontifex said

— Joseph Daul (@JosephDaul) June 1, 2016

While “The Sea Cemetery” collects just some of the countless stories of people fleeing Syria, the supply of firsthand accounts unfortunately includes many unconfirmed and inaccurate stories, as Global Voices has reported previously.

The Syrian Civil War has raged for five years and displaced at least 10 million people, sending refugees around the world. In that time, Syrian activists have been busy on Facebook, scripting stories about refugees who died trying to reach safety abroad.

One story that's gained popularity online is framed as a letter from a young Syrian man to his mother, written after the young man's boat sank en route to Europe, killing hundreds of refugees onboard:

رسالة وداعية كتبها لاجئ سوري قبل غرقه في المتوسط : شكراً للبحر الذي استقبلنا بدون فيزا .. وشكراً للأسماك التي ستتقاسم لحمي ولن تسألني عن ديني ولا انتمائي السياسي

الأناضول-تداول ناشطون سوريون على شبكات التواصل الاجتماعي، نص رسالة قالوا إنها وجدت في جيب أحد اللاجئين السوريين الذين انتشلت جثثهم بعد غرق مركبهم الذي كان يحوي المئات من المهاجرين غير الشرعيين في البحر الأبيض المتوسط خلال رحلتهم للوصول إلى الشواطئ الأوروبية مطلع الأسبوع الجاري.
وفيما لم يبيّن الناشطون معلومات عن هوية صاحب الرسالة الوداعية الأخيرة التي كتبها فيما يبدو لدى استشعاره بقرب غرق المركب الذي كان يحمله، فإنهم أرفقوا مع النص الذي نشروه على صفحاتهم الشخصية عبارات مؤثرة من قبيل “هدية إلى العالم المتحضر.. هرب من الموت فاحتضنه البحر.. أنصحكم بالقراءة لكن لا تبكوا لأن الدموع جفت على أبناء سوريا”.

وهذا نص الرسالة الذي تنشره وكالة “الأناضول” بحسب ما تداوله الناشطون:

“أنا آسف يا أمي لأن السفينة غرقت بنا ولم أستطع الوصول إلى هناك (يقصد أوروبا)، كما لن أتمكن من إرسال المبالغ التي استدنتها لكي أدفع أجر الرحلة (يتراوح أجر الرحلة البحرية للوصول إلى أوروبا بطريقة غير شرعية ما بين ألف إلى 5 آلاف يورو بحسب دولة الانطلاق وعوامل أخرى مثل صلاحية المركب وعدد الوسطاء وغيرها).
لاتحزني يا أمي إن لم يجدوا جثتي، فماذا ستفيدك الآن إلا تكاليف نقل وشحن ودفن وعزاء.
أنا آسف يا أمي لأن الحرب حلّت، وكان لا بد لي أن أسافر كغيري من البشر، مع العلم أن أحلامي لم تكن كبيرة كالآخرين، كما تعلمين كل أحلامي كانت بحجم علبة دواء للكولون لك، وثمن تصليح أسنانك.
بالمناسبة لون أسناني الآن أخضر بسبب الطحالب العالقة فيه، ومع ذلك هي أجمل من أسنان الديكتاتور (في إشارة إلى بشار الأسد).
أنا آسف يا حبيبتي لأنني بنيت لك بيتاً من الوهم، كوخاً خشبياً جميلاً كما كنا نشاهده في الأفلام، كوخاً فقيراً بعيداً عن البراميل المتفجرة وبعيداً عن الطائفية والانتماءات العرقية وشائعات الجيران عنا.
أنا آسف يا أخي لأنني لن أستطيع إرسال الخمسين يورو التي وعدتك بإرسالها لك شهرياً لترفه عن نفسك قبل التخرج.
أنا آسف يا أختي لأنني لن أرسل لك الهاتف الحديث الذي يحوي “الواي فاي”(خدمة الانترنت اللاسلكي) أسوة بصديقتك ميسورة الحال.
أنا آسف يا منزلي الجميل لأنني لن أعلق معطفي خلف الباب.
أنا آسف أيها الغواصون والباحثون عن المفقودين، فأنا لا أعرف اسم البحر الذي غرقت فيه..
اطمئني يا دائرة اللجوء فأنا لن أكون حملاً ثقيلاً عليك.
شكراً لك أيها البحر الذي استقبلتنا بدون فيزا ولا جواز سفر، شكراً للأسماك التي ستتقاسم لحمي ولن تسألني عن ديني ولا انتمائي السياسي.
شكراً لقنوات الأخبار التي ستتناقل خبر موتنا لمدة خمس دقائق كل ساعة لمدة يومين..
شكراً لكم لأنكم ستحزنون علينا عندما ستسمعون الخبر.
أنا آسف لأني غرقت..”.

I'm sorry, mother, because the boat sank and I could not get there, and will not be able to send the loan I took out to pay for the trip.

Don't cry if they couldn't find my body. It would just cost [more] money for shipping and burial. I'm sorry, mother, because the war raged, and it was necessary for me to travel like other human beings, though my dreams were not great as the others’. As you know, all my dreams were limited to buying you medicine and artificial teeth. The color of my teeth now is green because of sea algae, but, they're still prettier than the dictator's teeth. I'm sorry, my dear, because I built you a house of illusions—a beautiful wooden home like the ones we used to watch in movies, poor and away from the explosive barrels, and far away from the sectarian and ethnic affiliations and rumors that surrounded us.

I'm sorry, my brother, because I can not send the 50 euros I promised you to have some fun before you graduate. I'm sorry, my sister, because I won't send you a smartphone with “Wi-Fi” like your rich friend. I'm sorry, my sweet home, because I won't I hang my coat behind your door. I'm sorry, dear divers and researchers, for going missing. I do not know where in the sea I drowned… but rest assured that I won't bother the asylum department.

Thank you, sea, which welcomed us without a visa or passport. Thanks you, fish, which will share my flesh without asking me about my religion or political position. Thanks for the news channels which will broadcast the news of our death for five minutes every hour for two days…Thank you to anyone who mourns us, when they hear the news.

I'm sorry I sank…

Read more of our special coverage: Streams of Refugees Seek Sanctuary in Europe

Written by Rami Alhames

Syrian-Palestinian eating from the garbage. Photograph taken 03/03/2015 by LensDimashqi on Tumblr. Used under CC.BY. 2.0

A total of 18,000 Palestinian refugees living in “inhumane conditions” in the Yarmouk Refugee Camp in Damascus, Syria, are trapped between the hammer of hunger and the anvil of extremism.

Bombed by the Syrian regime and now under attack by ISIS since April 1, the Palestinian refugees have already been under a two-year siege, with no water and very little food trickling in. The camp is located around 10 miles away from the presidential palace, but this did not stop Syrian President Bashar Al Assad's regime from dropping barrels bombs over the heads of the people, who retreated to their food-empty residences, afraid to venture out to streets full of armed extremists. According to news being circulated on social media, ISIS is arresting, executing and beheading the camp figures and clashing with other opposition armed groups.

Many activists blame the ISIS invasion on the Assad regime's army giving them the opportunity to do so. They note that at a time when it is impossible to enter food and medical aid to the Palestinian refugee camp, ISIS militias appeared suddenly inside the camp.

The Hammer, Starve to Death

“To know what it is like in Yarmouk, turn off your electricity, water, heating, eat once a day, live in the dark, live by burning wood.” – Anas, Yarmouk resident.

According to United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), this is the situation of 18,000 Palestinian refugees of the 160,000 who used to live in the camp. They remain trapped in Yarmouk Camp with no successful distribution of food and other relief aid since December 6, 2014. Although people took the streets on January 18, 2015, to protest the siege imposed by the Assad regime since July 2013, the crisis has left at least 200 people dead from starvation. After a year of posting a video showing the despair of distributing food in Yarmouk Camp, another documentary, entitled Siege, emerged from the heart of the camp on April 3. The short film records the daily life in four sketches that reflect how people suffers from food and utilities shortages.

Another video posted on February 6, 2015, by Sami Alselwadi shows a Palestinian refugee resident blaming his government for leaving the camp to starve to death without taking action against Assad regime. Then the footage moves to a what is believed to be a truck full of bread being distributed to people by throwing the packages to the air for a lucky catcher. In his words, the man blames Mahmood Abbas, the Palestinian president:

All this is hunger, Abbas. You are in Ramalla, and you don't know what your Palestinian people are suffering here. Thousands of people are in hunger here. Where are you from this? Shame on you.

ISIS claims it is there to help the besieged refugees of Yarmouk Camp. But this is what they do. Photo via @AlaaAllagta. Used under CC. BY 2.0

The Anvil, Extremism to Death

As of April 1, reports on social media confirmed that ISIS forces have entered the besieged camp and now control 90% of the camp. Netizens are closely following the news flood of this dramatic development. Twitter users reported that ISIS entered the camp after Al Nusra front, an affiliate of Al Qaeda in the Levant, eased their access from Hajar Aswad, a neighboring town.

#Syria – #ISIS Control Most Of The #Palestine Refugee Shelter – #Yarmouk camp in #Damascus #Syria: PLO Conformed pic.twitter.com/zbIq3M3xTC

— Terrormonitor.org (@Terror_Monitor) April 1, 2015

A yr after the world's inaction for these thousands starving in besieged Yarmouk, Isis has entered the camp. #Syria pic.twitter.com/tUWFAww4HF — The Syria Campaign (@TheSyriaCmpgn) April 1, 2015

Tom Finn and Linah Alsaafin explain the sudden appearance of ISIS and how they approached the camp from a neighboring town:

.@LinahAlsaafin and I ask a journalist inside #Yarmouk camp: how did ISIS get into Damascus? http://t.co/JATRTsdDBTpic.twitter.com/kbBYbHihVW

— tom finn (@tomfinn2) April 1, 2015

While Talal Alyan shares a photograph from inside the camp:

Photo a friend in #yarmouk sent of Akhnaf fighters, who have been repelling ISIS offensive all day #syria #palestine pic.twitter.com/4XgwrVjsI7

— Talal Alyan (@talalalyan) April 1, 2015

A map of the parties who control the camp was shared by Rami Allolah with his 16K followers on Twitter, showing the fragmented area controlled between ISIS, Palestinian armed groups, FSA (Free Syrian Army), the Assad army and Al Nusrah.

#Map Military situation in #Yarmouk camp south #Damascus via @uygaraktas#Syriapic.twitter.com/X7YofISyGx — Rami (@RamiAlLolah) April 3, 2015

Activists didn't wait for long to report ISIS’ horrifying killings, which started to spill into the news stream as Raqqa_SI confirmed to his 21K+ followers:

#ISIS beheaded alot of young people in #YarmoukCamp and Coordinating of #Yarmouk city didn't publish the photos because they are so terrible

— الرقة تذبح بصمت (@Raqqa_Sl) April 4, 2015

Also read: The Situation in Yarmouk Refugee Camp has Reached Catastrophic Levels

Written by Rami Alhames

One of Akram Ruslan's cartoons that outraged Assad regime. Source: Cartoon Movement Blog. Used under CC BY 2.0

Poking fun of dictators is considered one of the greatest taboos, which curtail freedom of expression and endanger the lives of cartoonists anywhere, anytime. Syrian cartoonists are not an exception and have suffered torture, attacks from regime loyalists and even death for daring to speak up. Yet, the cartoons they draw reflect the lives of millions of Syrians and Arabs, and have found their way online in the four years of uprising against Syrian President Bashar Al Assad's regime, thanks to social media.

Assad's acts towards his people have inspired Arab and foreign cartoonists, who have flooded the printed, digital, and social media portals with thousands of drawings. In this post, we are showcasing the works of six Syrian artists, who have dared speak up, in no particular order.

Not to forget, we have to mention two Syrian artists who suffered the most: Ali Farzat, internationally awarded artist, who has been beaten up for mocking Assad in early days of the Syrian revolution, and Akram Ruslan who detained and reportedly killed for the same reason.

1. Hussam Sara

He is one of early revolution activists and posts his drawings on his Facebook page. He has worked for several Arabic newspapers in Bahrain. He is son of Fayez Sara, an opposition leader and a brother of Wisam Sarah, a martyr pacifist activist who was tortured to death in Assad's prisons in February 2014.

Assad via Hussam Sara Facebook Page. Used with permission.

2. Kamiran Shemdin

Born in al-Qamishli, in 1974, Kamiran Shemdin published his cartoons in Aljazeera website and Ge P magazine in Iraqi Kurdistan. In an interview with SyriaUntold he says: “The sight of the thousands of Syrians marching in the streets without fear and calling for the downfall of the regime gave me a feeling of solace and of being free myself. Despite my exile, I was a part of them with all my feelings.”

Assad via Kamiran Shemdin Facebook page. Used under CC BY 2.0

3. Amer M. Zughbi

Amer worked in several Arab newspapers is currently working in Albayan newspaper in the UAE newspaper and publishes his work on AlJazeera website. He won the Arab Journalism Award for best cartoonist in the Arab newspapers and publications for three times, in 2007, 2009 and 2013.

Assad via Amer M. Zohbi Facebook page. Used under CC BY 2.0

4. Firas Bachi

Born in 1979 in Damascus, Firas Bachi holds a B.A. in Economics but is still in love with art and drawing. He is a cartoonist, caricaturist, and an advertising art director. On his Facebook page he describes his cartoons as: “against all forms of dictatorship politics, human injustice, suppression and oppression, racism and discrimination. cartoons that dig to expose the fuzzy scenes in a world of injustice where surrendering suddenly became a habit, and supporting the unjust became a worship.” More of his works can be found at FirasBachi.com

Assad as a Pharaoh, Nobody stopped him. Source: Firas Bachi Facebook page. Used with permission.

5. Ahmad Jalal

Do you remember the infamous people of “Liberated Kafranbel” holding creative cartoons banners? Ahmed is behind them. His hobby before the revolution, turned him into the “Kafranbel Cartoonist”. He works within a group of young people filled with irony spirit and creativity in their village in the countryside of Idlib, Syria.

Assad and ISIS via Ahmed Jalal Facebook Page. Used under CC BY 2.0

6. Saad Hajo

Born in Damascus in 1968, Saad Hajo graduated from the Faculty of Fine Arts. He works in “An-Nahar” and “Al-Safir” newspapers in Beirut, Lebanon. He has several published books, one of which is entilted “بلاد العنف أوطاني” (Countries of Violence are my Homeland). He is the winner of the “Gabrovo Carton” award of humor and biennial art in 2005 in Bulgaria.

Assad as eye doctor via Saad Hajo Facebook Page. Used under CC BY 2.0

Written by Rami Alhames