South Asia – Global Voices

Children of the border: Uncovering the crisis of child labor and sexual exploitation at the Pakistan-Afghanistan border

Asfandiyar — Fri, 06 Dec 2024 00:00:26 +0000

The exploitation of children navigating perilous borders is often overshadowed

Originally published on Global Voices

Twelve-year-old Ahmar is working in locomotive workshops to collect automobile parts. Photo by Ramna Saeed. Used with permission.

At Torkham, the bustling Pakistan-Afghanistan border crossing in North-West Pakistan, the air is filled with the constant buzz of trucks and trailers transporting goods and essential supplies across the border. Amidst the bustle, a striking yet unsettling image unfolds of young children darting between big trucks, their petite frames burdened by loads of stuff.

They navigate the perils with remarkable agility, avoiding the moving traffic and the security personnel's ever-watchful gaze. Their presence highlights critical concerns about survival, exploitation, and the dark economic underbelly of this precarious region.

In the border area of Ghazgi, a town in west Afghanistan, children like twelve-year-old Ahmar face similar hardships. Ahmar, along with other young boys, haul scraps of automobiles across the Afghan border to Pakistan, embodying the struggles of a generation burdened by harsh labour and despair.

Dressed in worn-out clothes and a patched-up traditional Pashtun hat, Ahmar contributes to the family income. For the past year, he has been carrying a five-kilogram bag filled with spare automobile parts back and forth between Pakistan and Afghanistan. He explained that his sister waits for him at the border crossing to take goods from a commission agent or a warehouse in Pakistan or Afghanistan and cross the border. When a shipment of automobile scrap arises at the border, she heads toward her home to bag the commercial goods. Sometimes, she spends the entire night by the roadside, waiting for the chance to help her brother by collecting leftover scrap for him. There are also some children whose parents task them with smuggling commercial goods, and they make the perilous journey to the border on their own.

A warehouse supervisor, speaking to the Global Voices team on the condition of anonymity, revealed that an organized mafia colluding with the border administration is involved in sending and receiving goods across the border. He further explained that many of the children involved in these activities do not have adult family members accompanying them. However, some children are brought by their parents, who work at the warehouse, to assist in smuggling goods across the border. These parents often coordinate with warehouse operators in Afghanistan to transport goods on their return journey. In exchange for their involvement, the parents receive compensation for their work.

Farman Shinwari, the former president of the labor union for workers in Torkham, revealed in a face-to-face interview that more than 3,000 laborers are engaged in commercial activities at the border, 70 percent of whom are children.

Seven-year-old Kashmala is also from Afghanistan. She works as a labourer in Torkham, Pakistan, with her relatives and other neighbouring children. Kashmala's home is located an hour away from Torkham, and she returns home every few days to give her mother 2,000–3,000 rupees (USD 7.2–10.8). This money is used to support her two brothers and three sisters. Upon asking about her work, her parents shared in a pained voice that incidents of sexual assault and violence against children are alarmingly common in this line of work.

According to Farman Shinwari, child labour has not been completely restricted by law in Pakistan because, if it were banned outright, children would attempt to cross the border on foot through dangerous areas, climb over fences, or hide in vehicles and trailers, which could lead to even more accidents. During occasional meetings with Pakistani and Afghan border authorities, he also participates as a labour union representative. He claims that in every meeting, the authorities strongly emphasize the need for restrictions on children bringing and taking goods, and sometimes, they halt the movement of children at the border for several days.

Based on his data, thirty children have died in the past two years after being run over by goods-carrying vehicles. However, the government has no record of these children, and there is no system in place for financially assisting their families.

The sexual abuse of child labourers

Azam Khan is twelve years old and hails from Pakistan's Landi Kotal town. He crossed the border on foot from Afghanistan and reached a warehouse located within Pakistan’s borders, carrying twenty packs (cartons) of cigarettes on his shoulders. His sweat-soaked clothes were weighed down by dust, and he was sitting near a water cooler to quench his thirst. When asked about the marks and scars on his face, he revealed that he had been subjected to physical abuse multiple times by Pakistani security personnel at the border as well as Afghan Taliban fighters.

Azam explained that during work, child labourers become targets for physical and sexual abuse. He mentioned an incident where he once went to a place provided by the warehouse manager to sleep, and there, an attempt was made to molest him.

Ferman Shinwari mentioned that the number of children working in difficult conditions in Torkham has increased due to the arrival of the Taliban in Afghanistan and international sanctions. Ten of 100 children are Pakistani, while the rest are Afghan. Most of these children are the sole breadwinners of their homes whose elders have died or become disabled in the conflict.

Without revealing his name, an official of the Landi Kotal Sub Jail mentioned that in Torkham, children are used for smuggling commercial goods and drug smuggling. He stated that in the past year, 20 children were arrested, but due to the lack of a specific place for children in the jail, their cases are quickly dealt with, and legal action is taken. He further stated that a significant number of arrested children are Afghan, and they are later handed over to Afghan authorities.

Sufyan, Kashmala's elder sibling working in a welding shop on the Torkham border. Photo by Ramna Saeed. Used with permission.

How many child labourers are there?

The exact number of child laborers in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa is unavailable, according to Lehaz Ali, a journalist working with Agence France Presse. He mentioned that there is no comprehensive data or effective planning by the government to address the issues faced by child laborers in the region, making it difficult to ascertain the exact number of child laborers.

According to the last survey conducted in 1996, around 3.3 million children in Pakistan were engaged in various forms of child labor in specific sectors. Of these, a significant number, approximately 1 million children, were from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. However, tribal areas, Afghan refugees, and informal sectors were not included in this survey.

“The formal data collection work for the survey began in January 2022. After the data collection phase in October 2022, the data validation and correction process started, which was completed in April 2023. It took five months to compile the report. The commission identified Afghan children who were victims of various issues and, with the help of the mentioned authorities, reached out to their families in Afghanistan. Currently, more than thirty Afghan children are present in the commission’s rehabilitation centers”, said the head of the Child Protection and Welfare Commission in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Ajaz Muhammad Khan in an interview with Global Voices.

Child protection laws

In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province, after amendments to the Protection of Children and Welfare Act 2010, it was re-passed in 2015, the Compulsory Primary to Secondary Education Act 2017, the Prevention of Child Labor Amendment Act was enacted in 2015, in which the conditions regarding child labor were clarified. After the increase in cases of sexual violence against children in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, there was increased pressure from social activists and the public to bring amendments to the Protection of Children Act 2010. The bill was presented to the provincial cabinet in 2021, and the draft of the bill was unanimously approved after a disputed section was removed. The disputed proposal suggested making a public a video of hanging child sexual offenders, but it was dropped from the bill after dissenting opinions emerged.

According to the amended law, a person involved in child sexual abuse will be punished with life imprisonment, a death sentence, and a fine of up to PKR 5 million (USD 18,000). Making videos of child sexual abuse will attract 20 years in jail and a fine of PKR 7 million (USD 25,222) while sharing the video will attract 10 years in jail and a fine of PKR 2 million (USD 7,200). The bill removed the death penalty and amputation of the sentence for a sexual assault convict.

It remains to be seen whether this law and other steps against child abuse and dangerous child labor will protect the vulnerable children at the border, but activists are remaining hopful and vowing to continue their fight.

The Journey of the Esperanto Movement in Nepal over the past eight decades

Sanjib Chaudhary — Sun, 01 Dec 2024 01:00:31 +0000

Esperanto was introduced in Nepal in 1957 by Hungarian explorer Tibor Sekelj

Originally published on Global Voices

Participants of Himalaja Renkontiĝo 2019. Photo by Nepal Esperanto Association. Used with permission.

Esperanto, a universal language created by L. L. Zamenhof, has experienced fluctuating fortunes in Nepal since its introduction in 1957. Meaning “one who hopes” in English, Esperanto is the most successful constructed language, known for its simplicity and ease of learning, with an estimated 100,000 speakers worldwide.

Sanjib Chaudhary from Global Voices spoke with Bharat Kumar Ghimire, President of Nepalese Esperanto Association, to learn about the Esperanto movement in Nepal. The interview has been edited for length and clarity:

Global Voices (GV): How did the Esperanto movement start in Nepal? Who started teaching Esperanto in Nepal, and when did it happen?

Bharat Kumar Ghimire (BKG): Esperanto was introduced in Nepal in 1957 by Tibor Sekelj, a Hungarian born polyglot, explorer and author. During his visit, he taught a group of young people at Tri Chandra College [in Kathmandu], a historic academic institution that remains prominent today.

During his six-month stay, he not only taught Esperanto but also founded the Kathmandu Esperanto Society in Nepal in the same year. Nepal, up until then, had not yet opened its doors to foreign visitors. King Mahendra of Nepal invited him to thank him for founding the country’s first public university and for teaching Esperanto.

Sekelj also met Nepal's renowned poet and then-Minister of Education, Laxmi Prasad Devkota, who began learning the basics of Esperanto in his office.

In 1959, Sekelj wrote the book “Nepalo malfermas la pordon” (Nepal Opens the Door), originally in Esperanto, during his stay in Madras, South India, where he divided his time between writing and studying yoga philosophy. The book was later translated into several languages, including English, Spanish, Serbian, and Hebrew.

Later, in 1961, Simo Milojević, a Bosnian journalist and professional Esperantist, arrived in Nepal and taught Esperanto to more than 200 students over an eight-month period. He wrote several articles about Nepal.

Despite these early efforts, the Esperanto movement in Nepal stagnated for various reasons. However, in 1990, the Nepal Esperanto Association was established by three co-founders: Baikuntha Man Maskey, Shree Prasad Shrestha, and Dr. Keshav Ram Joshi. They remained active in the movement following the association's founding. Sadly, both Mr. Maskey and Dr. Joshi have since passed away.

Participants of Himalaja Renkontiĝo 2024. Photo by Nepal Esperanto Association. Used with permission.

GV: How many people speak Esperanto in Nepal? What are the challenges faced by the Esperanto movement here?

BKG: It is quite challenging to determine the exact number of Esperanto speakers in Nepal, as many people learn the language independently. Since the Nepal Esperanto Association was established, we’ve taught Esperanto to roughly 5,000 people, though the actual number might be even higher. Around 200 to 300 people are estimated to speak the language fluently, while over 1,000 have a basic understanding.

One significant challenge for the Esperanto movement in Nepal is the issue of migration. Following the COVID-19 pandemic, many Esperanto speakers have migrated to more developed countries, which has posed a considerable obstacle to the growth and sustainability of the Esperanto community in Nepal.

A group of Esperanto learners at Koteshwor Multiple Campus in Kathmandu. Photo by Nepal Esperanto Association. Used with permission.

GV: Being the president of Nepal Esperanto Association, can you tell us what steps you have taken to take forward the Esperanto movement in Nepal?

BKG: I am one of the founding members of the Nepal Esperanto Association and have played a key role in sustaining it through its various ups and downs over the years. After establishing the association in 1990, we have been following a new course conducted by Joachim Verdin from Poland.

As the president of the association, my primary goals include increasing the number of Esperanto speakers in Nepal and sharing updates about Nepal's Esperanto-related activities with the global community. Additionally, I aspire to translate key Nepali texts into Esperanto to further enrich the language's cultural exchange.

GV: Can you tell us about the Himalaya Renkontiĝo that you organize every year?

Resources available for learning Esperanto. Photo by Sanjib Chaudhary. Used with permission.

BKG: The Himalaja Renkontiĝo (Himalayan Meeting) began in 1995 with the primary goal of addressing the financial challenges faced by Nepali Esperantists, which often made it difficult for them to travel abroad. To overcome this, we decided to invite Esperanto speakers from around the world to visit Nepal instead.

Additionally, we aimed to foster socio-cultural exchange between local and international participants. Since 2014, we have also introduced a special excursion (Speciala Ekskurso) to Nepal, designed for those who may not be interested or not able to go in trekking in the mountains but wish to explore the rich cultural and natural beauty of Nepal.

We organize the International Himalayan Meeting (Internacia Himalaja Renkontiĝo) every two years, alongside the Special Excursion (Speciala Ekskurso) during alternate years.

GV: How can one learn Esperanto in Nepal? What are the resources available in Nepal?

BKG: Nowadays, if someone wants to learn a language, they can do so through the internet, for example through Duolingo. Our organization also conducts language courses from time to time. For example, we are currently teaching two classes: one is being organized at Koteshower Multiple Campus, and the other is being held at the association's office.

As for the resources, we carry out these activities voluntarily. There is no consistent funding or support from either domestic or international sources. Unfortunately, the situation in Nepal is quite challenging, and while one or two individuals or organizations occasionally support us, it is not enough.

In a Nepali village, residents struggle to reconcile traditional artisanship with modernization

Sanjib Chaudhary — Mon, 25 Nov 2024 20:00:12 +0000

Young people are trying to revive the craft of making bamboo containers

Originally published on Global Voices

Everyday life in Pyangaon. Photo by Sanjib Chaudhary. Used with permission.

Fourteen kilometres to the south of Kathmandu Valley lies a small village that has evaded modernization. Pyangaon, named after “pyang” — traditional Nepali measuring containers made from bamboo — is at a crossroads, faced with either continuing their artisan traditions or modernizing their products to suit new markets.

Bamboo containers of all shapes and sizes

Pyangs were mostly made to measure grains equivalent to a mana or a pathi, the customary units of measurement still used in rural parts of Nepal. While one mana is equivalent to 10 fistfuls, 8 manas make a pathi. Pyangs are also used to store grains, spices, clothes and other valuable items.

In the past, most of the Pyangaon residents used to make pyangs and either bartered these containers for rice and grain or sold them at neighbouring markets.

Pyangs of different shapes and sizes. Photo by Sanjib Chaudhary. Used with permission.

The lightweight yellow pyangs turn golden as they’re used over time. The bamboo containers are treated to be pest and insect-resistant through a process where they are heated on a haystack, soaked in water and compressed under pressure. They are also environmentally friendly, according to the makers.

Tirtha Maharjan, 41, has been making pyangs for the last seven years. Photo by Sanjib Chaudhary. Used with permission.

However, despite their usefulness, pyangs are not much in demand anymore. “We can get cheaper containers made from plastic and more durable containers made from iron easily in the market,” said Tirtha Maharjan, an artisan who learned to make pyangs seven years ago and has been continuing with the tradition, in an interview with Global Voices. “After improvising the designs with the help of Aman Shahi, my products have been exported to many countries, including Japan and Bangladesh.”

“I have also designed promotional materials for the handicrafts to bring wider recognition of the folk traditions and knowledge of the people about pyang,” writes Aman Shahi, an artist who has been working with local artisans. “This project aims to highlight, preserve, artistically document and suggest ways to keep alive the heritage of Pyangaon and its bamboo art.”

He adds: “For my Project Pyang, I am collaborating with designer Alina Manandhar who shares my passion for the artisanal tradition. Together we hope to work with the community to build a new market for pyang that will undoubtedly lead to many eco-social benefits besides shedding light on the immense potential for crafts to support a greener economy in Nepal.”

Walking down memory lane

Aside from the pyangs, the town of Pyangaon is a marvellous place that has managed to preserve its unique identity. Life in the idyllic village is laid-back and reminiscent of previous times – the old brick houses laden with dried corn ears, grains left to dry on the streets, flocks of ducks and chickens roaming the streets and men and women basking in the sun, chatting and doing household chores.

Pyangaon in 1975. Photo by Gerard Toffin. Used with permission.

According to Gerard Toffin, Emeritus Research Director at the National Centre for Scientific Research in Paris, who studied Pyangaon in the 1970s, “…the only street in the locality, still flanked on both sides by high wooden stakes to dry maize and by two compact rows of terrace houses, is still the same.”

Toffin further writes: “What is more, young people are trying to revive the craft of making bamboo containers, pyāṅg (or dyāṃcā, hāpā) (hence the Nepali name for the village), once used to measure grain and to store varieties of spices.”

The great Pakistan firewall and use of religion as a tool for digital authoritarianism

Ramna Saeed — Fri, 22 Nov 2024 07:29:23 +0000

Amid VPN regulations, reports emerge of Bluesky also being blocked in Pakistan

Originally published on Global Voices

Image by Pete Linforth from Pixabay. Used Under a Pixabay License.

Pakistan has once again demonstrated authoritarian tendencies by announcing the blocking of “illegal Virtual Private Networks (VPNs),” citing their alleged use in facilitating terrorist activities and accessing blasphemous or pornographic content. As per the reinforced VPN regulation strategy, users must submit an application detailing the legal purpose of their VPN use to the Pakistan Telecommunication Authority (PTA) and wait for approval. The PTA has set a deadline of November 30 to register VPNs, warning of a nationwide crackdown starting on December 1. To facilitate this process, PTA has launched an online portal to whitelist IP addresses and register VPNs, aimed at supporting software houses, call centers, banks, embassies, and freelancers. The PTA first introduced VPN registration in July 2020.

As citizens were already grappling with the news of the impending VPN ban, reports have begun surfacing about the blocking of Bluesky, an open source social media platform gaining popularity in Pakistan following the ban on X (formerly Twitter) earlier this year.

Digital rights activist Usama Khilji posted on X:

Pakistan is likely the first country to block access to @bluesky, continuing the trend of restrictions on the internet in Pakistan, violating the fundamental rights of speech & access to information. https://t.co/0QLKM1kOAu

— Usama Khilji (@UsamaKhilji) November 20, 2024

Since February 2024, using VPNs has become common practice following the ban on X after the general elections. Ironically, government representatives have continued using the platform despite imposing the restriction. Internet users have consistently complained about deteriorating internet quality since this government came into power. On November 10, users across multiple platforms, including X, voiced concerns about VPN throttling and slow internet access, amplifying frustrations about restricted digital freedoms.

Blogger Hina Safdar posted on X:

So, my Cable net is not working for X on Android device. None of the VPNs are working either. Disconnected it & Zong 4G data makes X work without any VPN.

What sorcery is this? What did I miss? What's happening in #Pakistan? #UndeclaredMartialLaw

— Release Imran Khan (@hinasafi) November 10, 2024

PTA justifying the ban

Initially, the PTA denied accusations of VPN throttling, dismissing slow speeds as a technical glitch. However, on November 13, it organized a consultation session to discuss its VPN registration framework. The session was attended by representatives from the Ministry of IT & Telecommunication (MoIT&T), Pakistan Software Export Board (PSEB), and the Pakistan IT Association (P@SHA).

Following the PTA's announcement of the ban on illegal VPNs, the regulator claimed that nearly 20 million attempts were made daily from within Pakistan to access pornographic websites. Additionally, it reported blocking over 100,000 URLs containing blasphemous content, as well as 844,000 pornographic websites.

In August of this year, Pakistan implemented a national firewall capable of tracking, blocking, or significantly limiting access to content it considers to be propaganda. Since then the authority is bolstering its efforts to register VPNs. On November 16, the Ministry of Interior and the Federal Investigation Agency instructed the PTA to block illegal or unregistered VPNs across Pakistan to prevent terrorists and individuals from accessing pornographic and blasphemous content.

Before the VPN ban was announced, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif congratulated US president-elect Donald Trump on his victory in the recent elections. In response, a Community Note appeared, stating, “He is using a VPN to access X, which is unlawful according to Pakistani law.”

PM Shehbaz Sharif has been caught using a VPN to bypass the @X ban in Pakistan while congratulating President -Elect @realDonaldTrump. The Community Note flags his unlawful activity, questioning the PM's actions against his own ban. pic.twitter.com/fdvw9cfwV0

— Eye on Pakistan (@eyeonpakistan_) November 8, 2024

The great Pakistan firewall

Since July 2024, Pakistanis have reported slow internet services and disruption. Bytes for All Pakistan, a research think tank, debunked the government's clarification of slow internet in its report, “Slow Internet in Pakistan and the Smokescreen of VPNs.” The report links the slow internet speeds to the trials of an upgraded web management system or a Chinese style firewall, rather than VPN usage. The report argues that these measures are part of a broader strategy aimed at monitoring and controlling online spaces.

Amid reports of disruptions to digital platforms and slow internet speeds, the government completed the second trial of its much-debated firewall aimed at blocking unwanted content in August. While Minister Shaza Fatima Khawaja initially blamed VPNs for the disruptions, the PTA later admitted that the firewall had been installed to manage social media.

Ali Ehsan, Senior Vice Chairman of P@SHA, told Global Voices via WhatsApp that the “digital siege” is severely threatening Pakistan's IT industry, pushing it to a critical point with unprecedented operational disruptions. He urged the government to adopt a collaborative cybersecurity framework that safeguards national interests without stifling innovation and growth. Emphasizing that both the economy and reliable internet are national priorities, he added, “Those acting against [them] must reconsider their decisions.”

Weaponizing religion and morals to legitimize the ban on VPNs

Meanwhile, on November 15, the Council of Islamic Ideology (CII), a constitutional advisory body, issued a fatwa (non-binding religious opinion) declaring the use of VPNs to access objectionable or anti-state content as un-Islamic. This decision sparked criticism from the public and digital rights activists. Even Rana Sanaullah, a Member of the National Assembly from the ruling party — Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) — asserted that the CII had no authority to comment on the issue.

In response to the backlash, the CII held a press conference and conveniently clarified that “only registered VPNs are permissible under Sharia.” The chairman emphasized that “social media should promote Islamic values and national security” and stressed the importance of the ethical and lawful use of social platforms.

Global Voices reached out to Barrister Ali Tahir via WhatsApp regarding the role of the Council of Islamic Ideology (CII). He said:

The CII has often been politically exploited, including its recent involvement in justifying VPN restrictions. The Pakistan Telecommunication Authority's move to register VPNs appears aimed at controlling access, yet efforts have largely faltered.

Civil society and the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) have long advocated for the disbanding of the Council of Islamic Ideology (CII), accusing it of holding regressive views that enable the state to manipulate religion to suppress dissent and justify violence against women. Critics argue that the CII functions as a tool to legitimize government actions under the guise of morality, often reinforcing conservative and discriminatory policies.

The military's role in digital oversight

On November 15, the country's most powerful figure, Chief of Army Staff (COAS) General Asim Munir, called for controlling “unrestricted” freedom of speech, linking it to the erosion of moral values. The military, which has faced increasing scrutiny on social media, has labeled criticism and fake news as “digital terrorism.” Recently, Director General of the Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) Ahmed Sharif Chaudhry, stressed the need for stricter measures to curb online propaganda.

Tahir criticized the government’s use of morality and religion as justifications for digital restrictions, citing the Twitter ban as a prime example. While officials argue these measures are intended to combat terrorism and immoral content, Tahir contends that they are primarily aimed at suppressing social media criticism and labeling dissenters as “digital terrorists.”

VPNs and the IT sector in Pakistan: A growing crisis

The use of VPNs has become increasingly prevalent globally, with over 30 percent of internet users employing VPNs to ensure online security and anonymity. On the other hand, some countries have implemented or considered VPN bans, citing concerns over national security, cybercrime, and intellectual property infringement. Pakistan's proposed VPN regulations have sparked concerns among IT professionals and businesses.

The impact of banning VPNs can be far-reaching, with significant economic and social consequences. In Pakistan, the proposed ban is expected to cost the economy around
USD 300 million per annum. Internationally, VPN bans have resulted in reduced foreign investment, decreased online commerce, and compromised cybersecurity.

Reflections on youth-led movements against state repression in Bangladesh and Indonesia

EngageMedia — Thu, 21 Nov 2024 10:11:10 +0000

“The internet shutdown was meant to stifle us, but it had the opposite effect”

Originally published on Global Voices

Afifah Fitriyani interviews Shoeb Abdullah and Subinoy Eron of Activate Rights. Image via EngageMedia. Used with permission.

This article written by Afifah Fitriyani was originally published by EngageMedia, a non-profit media, technology, and culture organization, and an edited version is republished here as part of a content-sharing agreement with Global Voices.

Students and youth activists were at the forefront of the massive 2024 protests in Bangladesh demanding the reform of a controversial quota system for government jobs that prioritized descendants of freedom fighters, many of whom are politically connected to the ruling party. The subsequent escalation of violence and state repression included an eight-day internet shutdown that severely restricted communication and coordination among protesters.

This situation is not unique to Bangladesh. In 2019, Indonesian students protested against a revision of the Penal Code that threatened free speech. The government responded with internet shutdowns and police brutality against protesters, which prevented student activists from being able to organize and report the protest live, as well as seeking safety from the repression subjected against them. Over 50 people died in that protest, with no accountability steps taken to this day.

Recent protests in Indonesia have mirrored those in Bangladesh, with the youth again leading the charge. On August 22, 2024, Indonesian students protested the proposed amendment to lower the age limit requirement of a gubernatorial candidate under the Regional Election Law, which would allow the president’s second son to run for governor of Jakarta. This move is seen by many as the president’s attempt to further consolidate power within his family members; previously, amendments to lower the age limit for vice-presidential candidates had also been granted by the country’s constitutional court — a move that later allowed the president’s first son to run as vice president, and later win the election.

How to Survive With — and Without — the Internet

What can student protests from Indonesia learn from their Bangladeshi counterparts? According to Shoeb Abdullah and Subinoy Eron, co-founders of youth-lead digital rights organization Activate Rights, while social media has played a significant role in amplifying the messages of these movements, the internet blackouts in Bangladesh made it clear that protesters needed alternative ways to communicate. Shoeb explained how people turned to grassroots methods during the shutdown: “We relied on face-to-face conversations and pamphlets to get our points across. The blackout forced us to be more creative, and that actually strengthened the movement.”

Graphics by EngageMedia. Used with permission.

Thus, the movement persisted. Shoeb adds, “The internet shutdown was meant to stifle us, but it had the opposite effect. People found ways to organize offline, and the protests continued, more determined than ever.”

In the Indonesian context, where social media has similarly been a powerful tool for student protests, the lesson from Bangladesh’s movement under an internet blackout offers valuable insights. While Indonesia hasn’t yet faced nationwide internet shutdowns during protests, reliance on mainstream digital platforms could become a vulnerability. Alternative communication and information methods should be explored to ensure that connections are maintained when the government restricts mainstream channels.

A lesson in the leaderless model

The Bangladeshi youth activists also emphasized the importance of “leaderless” movements, a key feature of the Gen-Z Revolution. The 2024 student movement was independently organized, sharing only common goals and demands. The protests and actions were decentralized, with no formal leaders. Students and civilians alike are regarded as equal comrades, coordinating protests and disseminating information and resources both online and offline, through word of mouth and social media.

This model leads to a less hierarchical, more collective mindset that allows more people to stake their belonging in the movement and goals. It also opens doors for more non-traditional communities to chime in and participate in the actions — in more ways than one. “People would hide student activists in their houses to prevent them from being caught by authorities,” Eron shared. “Neighborhood aunties would also pour hot water from their balconies onto police officers who were brutalizing student protesters in the streets. It was a powerful moment of true solidarity.”

Read Global Voices Special Coverage: Turmoil in Bangladesh

Afifah Fitriyani is a student at Sekolah Tinggi Hukum Indonesia Jentera, specializing in women’s rights and human rights with four years of experience in the field.

China's impact on the Rogun Dam Project in Tajikistan

Shahida Yakub — Wed, 20 Nov 2024 12:00:27 +0000

The project has significant social and environmental implications

Originally published on Global Voices

The Rogun Dan being constructed. Image by Sosh19632 via Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA 4.0.

The Rogun Dam, located on the Vakhsh River in Tajikistan, is one of the most ambitious hydropower projects in the world, let alone in Central Asia. Designed to be the world's tallest dam, with a projected height of 335 meters (1,099 feet), it is poised to transform Tajikistan’s energy landscape by providing an estimated output of 13.1bn kWh, with a total capacity of 3,600 MW.

About 90 percent of energy in Tajikistan is created through hydropower, with the Nurek hydroelectric power station (opened in 1980) producing 11.4 bln kHw — almost half of all electric power produced in Tajikistan.

Tajikistan’s energy sector has been in a state of crisis for years now. This crisis is due mainly to aging power generation assets, many of which have not been modernized since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 ,as well as added pressures due to climate change. Given that so much of Tajikistan's energy generation is driven by hydroelectric power, decreasing water levels due to shrinking glaciers and other climate pressures are causes for concern.

The Vakhsh River, which has been experiencing a decrease in water levels due to mismanagement and climate change. Screenshot of video “20201201 Rogun Dam – Video Drone” by Marco Piscoya. Fair use.

In 2020, Tajik officials released a statement notifying residents that there would be electricity use limits and outages throughout the country, largely because “the volume of water in the country’s largest river Vakhsh had fallen by 50 percent. As a result … the water level of the Nurek reservoir, had fallen by 17 metres compared to 2019.” This decrease in water meant the Nurek Dam was unable to meet the country's electricity needs.

These limitations on energy consumption have become an annual event in Tajikistan, especially during winter. Despite the decreased water levels, Emomali Rahmon, the Tajik president, maintains that “with the construction of Rogun Dam, we are not only resolving the problems with electric energy for the population, but we are also creating a solid basis for the development of various spheres of economy.”

Construction of the Rogun Dam started in 1976, but it was stopped due to political and funding challenges. As of November 2018, 75 of the total 335 meters had been built, and one turbine of six is in operation. Officials estimate that, with proper funding, the dam could be fully completed by 2028.

China's expanding role in Central Asia

China's growing influence in Central Asia is part of its larger Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) strategy, wherein it is seeking to expand infrastructure and trade links between China and various regions of the world. Tajikistan, as a strategically important landlocked country bordering China, is a key partner in the BRI framework. This relationship is underpinned by Chinese investments in infrastructure, mining, and hydropower.

China’s involvement in the Rogun Dam project is driven by its geopolitical interests, desire to secure stable energy supplies, and strategic influence over Central Asian infrastructure.

Building the Rogun Dam requires vast financial resources. When the project first resumed in 2008, officials estimated the overall cost would be about USD 3 billion, but this amount has ballooned over the years to over USD 9.7 billion total. For a country like Tajikistan, whose economy is relatively small and reliant on remittances, this is a monumental expense. So far, Tajikistan has already spent USD 3.3 billion on the project but still lacks at least USD 6.4 billion to finish building the dam, according to estimates made in August 2024. During the last decade, the projected costs of completing the Rogun Dam have increased by 15 percent annually.

Chinese banks and investment institutions have become key financiers of infrastructure projects across Central Asia, including Tajikistan. Chinese funding has supplemented Tajikistan's efforts to finance the dam, either through direct investments or loans to Tajikistan’s government.

Chinese investment in the Rogun Dam Project

Tajikistan and the Rogun Dam. Image by C1MM via Wikipedia, CC BY-SA 3.0.

China’s influence on the Rogun Dam project is part of its broader strategy to increase its presence in Central Asia. While Tajikistan is the main driver of the project, Chinese financial resources, technical expertise, and geopolitical interests have had a significant impact on its development.

It's noteworthy that, even as China seeks to strengthen its ties in Central Asia, the scale of Chinese financing is very limited compared to other investors in the dam. According to an analyst who spoke to Global Voices on condition of anonymity, “Chinese actors tend to avoid investment in controversial projects.” While Chinese companies have previously explored hydroelectric projects in Tajikistan, most of these efforts were abandoned to appease downstream Uzbekistan, which could see its water supply suffer if the upstream rivers are dammed, thereby hindering its cotton industry. Criticism from environmental groups is also spooking further Chinese investment.

But money isn't the only way China is supporting the project. China’s contribution to the Rogun Dam project is also evident in its technical assistance and engineering expertise. Chinese companies have established a dominant presence in Central Asian infrastructure development, including hydropower projects. Chinese engineers, contractors, and firms bring expertise that is critical for the construction of such a massive and complex project as the Rogun Dam.

But China has its own motivations for supporting the effort, despite the controversy.

While Tajik officials hope the dam will be able to solve its electricity crisis, they also are looking to their energy-starved neighbors as potential customers for the surpluses energy that is produced. Uzbekistan, Afghanistan, and Pakistan are especially attractive options that would benefit from a reliable, sustainable energy source. In securing water and electricity resources through Central Asia, China is indirectly supporting its broader regional water and energy interests, as well as ensuring the stability of energy supplies that feed into its Belt and Road Initiative.

Environmental and social implications

Even as the Rogun Dam promises considerable economic and energy benefits, its environmental and social impacts are significant, and China’s involvement further complicates the equation.

Environmental activists report that over 7,000 people have already been displaced from the reservoir zone, and it is estimated that some 38,000 more are going to be further resettled to other regions of Tajikistan. However, this displacement was not without controversy. There were complaints that governmental compensation was not enough to buy a new house in the area of relocation.

Moreover, activists also raise concerns about mismanagement and lack of financial transparency in the construction of the dam. It was reported that, five years ago, one of the dam's power generators stopped working. In an interview with the analytical site Cabar.asia, a Tajik energy expert says that poor-quality cement, reinforcements, and other low-quality building materials have been used during the construction. Moreover, environmental activists say there has been a lack of transparency surrounding the construction and point out the high levels of corruption in Tajikistan, and the lack of public discussions of the project amid longstanding suppression of human rights in the country.

Environmental activists have also expressed fears that the dam will disrupt the natural flow of the Vakhsh River, affecting biodiversity and agriculture in downstream areas.

China’s track record on environmental considerations in infrastructure projects has been mixed. While Chinese investment brings much-needed funding, it also raises concerns about environmental oversight and long-term sustainability. Some critics argue that Chinese-backed infrastructure projects often prioritize economic gains over environmental protections, exacerbating the negative consequences of large-scale dams.

As the Rogun Dam nears completion, the balance of these factors will shape the future of Tajikistan’s energy landscape and its relationship with China. The dam represents not only a milestone in Tajikistan’s development but also a microcosm of the broader dynamics shaping Central Asia’s integration into China’s Belt and Road Initiative.

To learn more about the intersection of Chinese development projects and climate justice in the Global Majority, see our Climate Justice Fellowship Project:

Scores of Nepalis tricked into joining the Russian army

Nepali Times — Mon, 18 Nov 2024 23:00:36 +0000

“It actually feels like a story, and maybe people don’t believe it.”

Originally published on Global Voices

Image by Khagendra Khatri. Used with permission.

This article by Marty Logan was originally published in Nepali Times, and an edited version has been republished on Global Voices as part of a content-sharing agreement.

Khagendra Khatri had his sights set on working in South Korea. He had even relocated from Rolpa district to Dang district in Lumbini Province of Nepal so he could take classes to prepare for the mandatory Korean language exam.

One day a man approached him in Tulsipur in Dang District and asked if he was interested in going to work in Russia. He said he was not, but the man persisted. Six weeks later Khatri changed his plans, and on October 15, 2023, he took off for Moscow via Dubai from Kathmandu together with 52 Nepali job-seekers.

He had heard about the Russia-Ukraine war, but the recruiter had promised him a job as a cook behind the front lines. The salary would be equivalent to NPR 500,000 (USD 3,698) monthly, and after one year, he would get Russian permanent residency. Khatri was even told he would be eligible for a US visa after that.

The Nepalis in the group spent a couple of days in Moscow filling out paperwork. Then they were put on a bus and driven to a camp in the forest where they were trained for a week, including on how to use a rifle.

Khagendra Khatri with other Nepali soldiers in Russia. Image by Khagendra Khatri. Used with permission.

At that point Khatri still thought he would be cooking for the fighters.

“It was only after we were taken to a second training camp, where I saw my name suddenly pop up on a list of conscripts going to combat. And that is when it hit me that I was going to war,” Khatri recalled in an interview in Kathmandu.

“After I saw my name, I started talking to an important looking soldier, using Google Translate,” he continued. “I tried persuading him to take me out. He was not listening to me at the beginning, but I kept talking to him for a day and a half, and he finally agreed to take seven of us Nepalis if we each paid him 17,000 rubles [USD 174].”

The man dropped the Nepalis off in his own vehicle some five kilometres out of camp at midnight. From there they started walking through the forest in the bitterly cold Russian winter.

“We did not fear that somebody would come and capture us,” says Khatri. “We were more afraid of encountering wild animals — what would we do? It was also snowing, so we worried that maybe we would just perish in the cold.”

The group walked for 16 hours straight, until a vehicle approached on a road, and stopped. After the men explained what had happened and where they were from, the driver agreed to drive them the seven hours to Moscow.

Learning their visas had expired, the helpful driver took them to a hostel where he knew they would be safe. He even refused to accept any money for driving them all the way and helping them.

Safe in the hostel, the men contacted friends and family back in Nepal who sent them airline tickets. A day later, they were already at the Moscow airport, boarding their flight home.

Image by Khagendra Khatri. Used with permission.

Today, almost exactly one year later, Khatri says the experience sometimes seems unreal: “It actually feels like a story, and maybe people don’t believe it. But when I was actually there, I was really afraid. One thought in the back of my mind was … oh this is it I’m going to die here,” he says.

Khatri has started a farm in Rolpa with his family. But he is doubtful that he will make enough money to pay off the NPR 1 million (about USD 7,741) he owes money lenders. He is now looking for a new, safer opportunity abroad.

Asked if he’s worried about being tricked again, he replies, “Yes, I’m afraid of that. And I think it is normal to think that way. But then again, I feel like if I only choose countries that have agreements with the Nepal government, maybe I will not be tricked again.”

Khatri says he can’t think of any of his peers who have done well for themselves without migrating abroad. He adds, “Most of my friends, even those who have attempted to do something in Nepal, have failed and had to finally go abroad. I do not think I have seen any of my friends actually succeed in Nepal.”

Khatri along with other Nepalis was recruited by men named Mohan Oli and Nim Bahadur Kunwar (Sushant), according to a report by the Centre for Investigative Journalism Nepal. The police has a list of 61 traffickers involved in recruiting Nepalis into the Russian Army and arrested 22 of them. Some refunded the fees, and most have been set free.

The transformative potential of AI and digital tools in securing the integrity of elections in Africa

Cecilia Maundu — Mon, 18 Nov 2024 13:46:18 +0000

AI can significantly enhance democratic processes, but only if ethical and inclusive considerations are prioritized

Originally published on Global Voices

Nigeria's 2015 Presidential election voting in Abuja. Image by U.S. Embassy / Idika Onyukwu, from Flickr (CC BY-SA 2.0 DEED).

In Pakistan’s 2024 elections, while behind bars, former Prime Minister Imran Khan managed to reach over 250,000 viewers on YouTube through an Artificial Intelligence (AI)-generated video. His message, delivered via the internet, reached a massive audience despite his physical absence from the campaign trail. This striking use of AI highlighted the growing influence of digital tools in modern politics, demonstrating how, even under challenging circumstances, technology is reshaping the way politicians engage with voters.

As the “Year of Democracy” nears its end, several key elections have already been held, while others are still on the horizon. This supercharged election year has seen 72 countries — representing over half of the world’s population — head to the polls. Africa, in particular, has been a focal point, with 16 national elections, double the number from 2023. The widespread availability of AI tools like ChatGPT and AI-driven video and image generators has given political parties new ways to connect with voters, engage them, and shape public opinion.

However, these technologies do more than provide new opportunities; they introduce complex challenges, particularly in combating misinformation and ensuring the ethical use of data. The question remains: Are these technologies truly benefiting democratic processes, or are they creating new obstacles that need to be addressed?

In an interview with the Global Investigative Journalist Network, Victoria Turk of The Rest of The World, an organization that tracks AI use in elections globally, highlighted this dual nature of AI. She noted:

…when people think about elections and generative AI, they think automatically about disinformation, misinformation, deep fakes, and intentionally misleading voters. We are seeing some of that, but there are also other creative uses of this technology. In some cases, we’re seeing political parties and campaigns using this tech to better reach voters, spread their campaign materials, and provide information.

Voter engagement in a digital world

The shift towards digital campaigning is undeniable. AI tools allow political parties to connect with their constituents more efficiently and effectively than ever before. In countries like India, with a registered electorate of 968 million, many candidates have used AI-powered avatars to engage with voters on an individual level. This hyper-personalized approach is believed to enhance candidates’ political appeal by showing voters that they are attuned to specific concerns.

In addition to personalized engagement, AI has also been instrumental in overcoming linguistic barriers in India’s diverse electorate. Prime Minister Narendra Modi, for instance, used the government’s AI-powered tool Bhashini to deliver speeches in Hindi that were translated in real-time into Tamil, Kannada, Bengali, Telugu, Odia, and Malayalam. While AI bots may struggle with dialects and are susceptible to inaccurate translations, they help candidates reach more voters by bridging language divides.

Ethical considerations and the digital divide

Despite its potential, the rise of AI in elections comes with ethical challenges, particularly concerning data privacy, misinformation, and equity. To combat AI-driven misinformation, the Indian government has taken proactive steps by issuing a deepfake and AI advisory. This advisory obligates platforms to clearly inform users that posting deepfakes can lead to criminal prosecution under the law, signaling a strong stance against AI misuse. This is a crucial measure in maintaining election integrity and ensuring that AI is used responsibly in the political arena.

Similarly, in Nigeria, concerns over the use of voter data in targeted campaigns have prompted calls for stricter regulations on how data is collected and used. The Nigeria Data Protection Act (NDPA) 2023 is designed to address these concerns, mandating high data protection standards for data controllers and processors. Political parties must ensure that AI is deployed in a manner that respects data privacy and complies with protection regulations, such as the European Union's General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), to maintain voter trust.

Furthermore, the digital divide remains a significant obstacle in many regions. While AI has enhanced voter engagement in urban centers, rural voters often remain disconnected. Although mobile technology has made strides in bridging this gap, more must be done to ensure that every citizen has access to the information needed to participate fully in the democratic process.

Combating mis and disinformation with AI fact-checking

As misinformation and disinformation become an increasingly significant threat to democracy, AI is also playing a vital role in countering its spread. AI-powered fact-checking tools have been deployed by civil society groups and independent fact-checkers to combat this issue.

One recent example is the 2023 Turkish elections, where deepfakes were used to discredit opposition leaders. AI-generated videos falsely linking political figures to criminal activities went viral, demonstrating both the risks and the potential of AI in combating disinformation. To mitigate such dangers, AI is being deployed to fact-check rapidly and ensure that voters are not misled by fabricated content. Platforms like Full Fact in the UK and Africa Check in South Africa use AI to scan political speeches, news stories, and social media posts for misinformation.

AI’s ability to scan and identify false information in real time could be a game changer in mitigating the negative impact of deepfakes and other forms of digital manipulation. However, it also requires constant vigilance and improvements.

AI and political polarization

AI algorithms on social media platforms, such as Facebook, X (formerly Twitter), and YouTube, have been shown to significantly influence political polarization. These algorithms are designed to maximize user engagement by curating content that aligns with users’ existing views, often reinforcing their beliefs and leading to echo chambers. This can increase partisan animosity, especially in highly polarized countries like the US and Brazil.

Research highlights that while social media platforms may not be the root cause of polarization, their design can exacerbate it. Studies have found that users exposed to content on these platforms are more likely to become entrenched in their views, leading to deeper political divides. For instance, these platforms use algorithms that promote content that elicits emotional responses, which often amplifies divisive and polarizing political messages.

Efforts to combat this issue, such as adjusting algorithms to promote diverse perspectives, are crucial. However, such initiatives are often short-lived due to fears of losing user engagement and profitability.

Blockchain and transparent voting systems

Beyond voter engagement and fact-checking, blockchain technology has emerged as a tool to ensure transparency in elections. While blockchain has often been associated with finance and cryptocurrency, its potential for securing the integrity of elections is now being tested. While Estonia has been a pioneer in adopting blockchain-based voting systems nationwide, Sierra Leone conducted a notable trial during its 2018 elections. A Swiss-based company, Agora, used blockchain technology to record votes in the Western Area Urban district as part of a proof-of-concept. This trial aimed to demonstrate how blockchain could securely and transparently log votes.

Although the Sierra Leone National Electoral Commission officially handled the results using traditional methods, the blockchain experiment showcased the potential for future elections to incorporate this technology for greater transparency.

As these experiments demonstrate, blockchain could pave the way for more secure and transparent elections, though its adoption still faces hurdles in terms of scalability and widespread implementation.

A new era for democracy?

The “Year of Democracy” in 2024 highlights the transformative potential of AI and digital tools in fostering robust, transparent, and inclusive elections. Nations like Sierra Leone, India, and Estonia demonstrate that AI can significantly enhance democratic processes, but only if ethical and inclusive considerations are prioritized.

As these global elections unfold, the true test will lie in whether AI will enhance democratic values or, conversely, exacerbate existing challenges. The integrity of these elections and the responses to inevitable disputes will not only reveal the current state of democracy but also determine whether regions like Africa will emerge as beacons of effective elections and democratic resurgence or continue to face electoral setbacks.

Smog chokes Pakistan's Punjab province as AQI soars to 1,900 in Lahore and 2,000 in Multan

R Umaima Ahmed — Fri, 15 Nov 2024 16:26:09 +0000

“There is hardly any outdoor activity we can enjoy as a family”

Originally published on Global Voices

Smog in Lahore. Image by the author.

As the 29th session of the United Nation's Conference of the Parties (COP29), the largest international meeting on Climate Change, takes place in Baku, Azerbaijan, smog levels in India and Pakistan have reached unprecedented levels on the World Air Quality Index (AQI), the international standard for recording air quality.

Delhi recorded an AQI of 429, while Lahore and Multan reported alarming levels of 1,900 and 2,000, respectively, during the first ten days of November.

This situation has raised serious concerns about the effectiveness of Pakistan's anti-smog campaign, launched earlier in March. Meanwhile, the Pakistan Meteorological Department (PMD) has offered a glimmer of hope, forecasting rain in the coming days.

Over the past few years, industrialization, economic development, and population growth have significantly increased the demand for energy and fossil fuels in South Asian countries. Additionally, activities such as solid fuel combustion for cooking and heating, human cremation, agricultural waste burning, and Diwali celebrations, where fireworks and incense are common, have exacerbated environmental challenges in the region, particularly in India and Pakistan. These activities have likely contributed to the region being hit hardest by severe floods, heatwaves, and smog in recent years.

Smog and its impact

Smog is a mixture of smoke and fog containing very fine particulate matter (PM 2.5). It is an air pollutant that can be harmful to human health. Exposure to these tiny particles can cause serious health issues, including lung and heart diseases. The Air Quality Index (AQI) is a tool used to measure air pollution levels and to warn the public to take precautionary measures.

The AQI scale. Screenshot via Youtube

According to health experts and the UN Environmental Program, any AQI score above 100 is considered unhealthy — particularly for sensitive groups like those with medical or respiratory issues.

Lahore, a city of 13 million, once celebrated as a city of gardens, heritage, and cuisine, is now choking under a concrete jungle and a growing number of vehicles, according to the Sectoral Emission Inventory report by The Urban Unit, a government think tank. Over the past few years, Lahore has undergone various urban development projects that led to widespread tree-cutting across the city. In 2023, the Lahore High Court intervened, banning the government from cutting down more trees as smog conditions continued to worsen.

According to the Air Quality Life Index (AQLI) 2023 report, this region has been experiencing devastating health conditions over the past few years, reducing the average life expectancy of Pakistanis by 3.9 years. Even satellite images from the U.S. space agency NASA have captured the thick smog enveloping both sides of the border. Furthermore, the Punjab State of Environment Report 2023 notes that although numerous policies were previously adopted to combat smog, no significant improvements have been observed.

NASA’s Aqua satellite captured an image of smog and fog over northern Pakistan and northwestern India on November 10, 2024. Image via Wikimedia Commons by NASA GSFC. Public Domain.

Steps adopted by the government

As smog intensity increased at the end of October, the Punjab government implemented a “green lockdown” and established a “smog war room.” The government ordered schools in smog-affected cities across Punjab to close and shift to online learning. Restrictions were imposed on barbecue joints, motorcycle rickshaws, and marriage halls, while exemptions were made for pharmacies, laboratories, vaccination centers, and other essential services. A two-day work-from-home policy was also introduced.

The smog war room is tasked with monitoring and controlling farm waste burning, managing traffic, analyzing data twice a day, reviewing forecasts, and issuing daily advisories. Police have been deployed to enforce anti-smog measures.

Punjab Chief Minister Maryam Nawaz introduced a Roadmap for Smog Mitigation 2024–2025, outlining key reasons for air pollution: 39 percent from transport, 24 percent from industry, 16 percent from energy, 11 percent from agriculture, 9 percent from non-combustion industrial processes, and 1 percent from other sources. She emphasized the need for cross-border collaboration with Indian Punjab to address shared environmental challenges, noting that 30 percent of Lahore's smog is coming from India through the air. She also announced plans to write to the Chief Minister of Delhi to initiate “Smog Diplomacy.”

According to the Sustainable Development Policy Institute's (SDPI) report, The Air We Share, air pollution in Pakistan and India originates from similar sources, highlighting the necessity of bilateral collaboration to tackle the issue effectively.

Later, Nawaz was hospitalized for a throat infection and subsequently traveled abroad for treatment of a parathyroid condition, which drew severe public criticism.

In a special session of the Punjab Assembly, Senior Minister for Environment Protection and Climate Change, Marriyum Aurangzeb, presented the government’s initiatives to combat smog.

The Punjab government has introduced Punjab’s first-ever comprehensive 10-year policy to tackle smog and enhance environmental protection.

This policy includes short-term, medium-term, and long-term plans, with specific targets set for each sector. CM Maryam Nawaz Sharif is…

— Marriyum Aurangzeb (@Marriyum_A) November 12, 2024

She informed the assembly that hospital admissions had increased significantly over the past three months due to smog-related illnesses. The government is closely monitoring crop residue burning and has launched a new vehicle fitness system in Punjab. Under this system, vehicles failing inspections after three fines will face strict penalties.

Additionally, over 45,000 brick kilns were inspected, with 6,500 demolished, while others are being converted to cleaner zigzag technology. The government also planned a budget and plans to use artificial rain technology to improve air quality, as it did during last year’s smog season. Efforts are underway to raise public awareness using all available communication channels, such as the video below.

The Lahore High Court directed the Advocate General for Punjab (AGP), representing the Punjab government, and the provincial Secretary of the Transport Department to take immediate action to combat the dangerous smog and develop a 10-year execution plan.

Public reactions

Pakistan Air Quality Experts (PAQx), a group of Pakistani professionals, wrote a letter to Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif urging the government to take immediate action to address the smog crisis. Abdullah Fadil, UNICEF Representative in Pakistan, urged the Punjab government to take emergency measures to protect the region's over 11 million children under the age of five from the harmful effects of breathing toxic air.

Meanwhile, citizens used social media platforms to report smog conditions in their areas and question the government's priorities.

Imran Gabol, a journalist, criticized the government for failing to fulfill its responsibilities.

Lahore is dying and no one is doing anything to save it.#smog @PunjabGovtpk pic.twitter.com/GAWJDCngif

— Imran Gabol (@gabolizm) November 14, 2024

While the government faced harsh criticism online, the Markazi Ulema Council Pakistan (the country's council of religious clergy) issued a statement claiming that the smog in Lahore was a consequence of societal sins. This statement was widely mocked by users on X (formerly Twitter).

Mahwish Fakhar, a journalist, takes a jab at them on X:

Shukar hai is mai khateen ki jeans ka zikar nhi kiya gaya. https://t.co/YpWgF8h7gr

— Mahwish (@MawishFakhar) November 10, 2024

Thankfully they are not blaming women who wear jeans.

Deteriorating health conditions

Air pollution has significantly worsened health conditions for people with heart and lung diseases. The AQI level hit 1,500 again on Thursday, November 14th. In the entire Punjab province, 69,000 cases of respiratory diseases were reported in a single day. Despite the government’s awareness campaign, not everyone is wearing masks or staying indoors as recommended.

Speaking to Global Voices via WhatsApp, Advocate Nida Usman Chaudhary, a resident of Lahore, mother, and concerned citizen, shared her experience:

Smog season, as it is colloquially referred to now in Lahore, has been getting worse each year. From the end of September till February, my son and I rely on medication and inhalers. We use air purifiers and nebulize frequently, yet there are still days when illness strikes. My son ends up missing school, falling behind in his studies, and, most importantly, suffering in terms of his health and mental well-being. There is hardly any outdoor activity we can enjoy as a family during this time.

Can Trump help Pakistan's Imran Khan?

Ramna Saeed — Mon, 11 Nov 2024 16:01:49 +0000

Many are wondering if Trump will intervene in Pakistani politics

Originally published on Global Voices

US President Donald J. Trump welcomes Prime Minister Imran Khan of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan on Monday, July 22, 2019, to the West Wing Lobby entrance of the White House. (Official White House photo by Joyce N. Boghosian). Image via Flickr by Trump White House Archived. Public Domain.

The complex relationship between the United States and Pakistan has long been marked by a mix of cooperation and deep hostility due to conflicting diplomatic ties, nuclear policy, and regional issues such as the War in Afghanistan. For many Pakistanis, the United States is viewed as an outside force intervening in their internal affairs — a narrative crafted by decades of political unrest, economic volatility, and military operations, particularly during the US's “War on Terror.”

This narrative was cemented when former Prime Minister Imran Khan was deposed two years ago. He quickly blamed the United States for his downfall. Khan was dismissed from office in 2022 following a no-confidence vote in Pakistan's parliament. He was sentenced to 10 years in prison for corruption in January 2024, just weeks before Pakistan's general election in February. However, the former cricketer-turned-politician asserted that his country's top military generals and Washington conspired to remove him from office. The assertion was unverified, yet his supporters largely believed the claim.

Now, after Donald Trump achieved a decisive victory over Kamala Harris in the 2024 US presidential election, supporters of Imran Khan, the incarcerated former Pakistani prime minister, claim that Trump will find time to tweet something highlighting Khan's situation. The two leaders seemingly share a strong bond, stemming from when then-Prime Minister Khan paid a visit to the White House in July 2019. The meeting was viewed as a diplomatic victory for Khan, raising his international stature and hinting at warming US-Pakistan relations.

Keeping those times in mind, Khan supporters, including many of the 625,000-strong Pakistani American community, believe Trump might be willing to advocate for the former prime minister in his second term. When Trump was president, he saw Khan (then prime minister) multiple times, including at the White House. When the two leaders met again in January 2020, on the margins of the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, President Trump described Khan as a “very good friend of mine.”

The Pakistani-American community in the United States has formed firm relations with the Trump campaign and pledged to support Trump rather than the Democratic nominee, Kamala Harris. Trump has a non-interventionist and anti-war attitude and has stated he opposes “regime change operations” on foreign soil.

The intrigue surrounding Trump's return is compounded by his campaign's pledges, including potentially advocating for Khan's release from prison. One clip circulating on social media shows him promising to lobby for Mr. Khan's release; however, this is an old video modified by Imran Khan's followers and never actually happened.

As Trump prepares to take office in January 2025, one question remains: Will Trump intervene in Pakistani politics? While Khan's followers are clearly optimistic, it is critical to consider the broader ramifications of US foreign policy in South Asia, particularly under a leader like Trump, who has proven a transactional approach to international relations. Trump's foreign policy has often prioritized personal relationships and short-term rewards over long-term strategic objectives.

Historically, US administrations have used their authority to influence results in Pakistan, frequently favoring geopolitical interests over democratic norms. The military's influence in Pakistani politics cannot be overstated; the military establishment wields significant power and frequently dictates foreign policy choices. Analysts believe that regardless of who occupies the White House, the United States will most likely deal with Pakistan's military rather than individual politicians. This fact presents substantial hurdles for Khan, who has established himself as an outsider to traditional power systems in both Pakistan and the United States.

The Biden administration resumed military support and investment in Pakistan, with a focus on technology and green energy — areas that Trump may not prioritize given his track record. The idea that Trump will take a more forgiving stance toward Khan does not guarantee that he will ignore the United States’ strategic interests in the area, particularly regarding relations with India and combating Chinese dominance.

Nonetheless, Trump's intervention, even if it was nominally in support of Khan, would be risky. Trump's track record indicates that his foreign policy decisions are frequently influenced by personal ties and financial interests rather than a consistent ideological stance, creating concerns about his long-term commitment to any particular outcome in Pakistan. Furthermore, Trump's prospective engagement with Pakistan may exacerbate divisiveness, particularly if his backing is interpreted as siding against the military establishment. Such a posture might bolster pro-Khan individuals while exacerbating the country's long-running civilian-military power struggle.

It should be noted that Washington considers Islamabad an ally against Tehran in the unlikely circumstance of a conflict with Iran. There was some consensus on this during the US-Pakistan strategic discussions. Now that the Republicans have taken control of the White House, Senate, and likely US House, the new government will reach out to Pakistan without regard for Khan or other lawmakers. Any influence from the Trump administration would be motivated by US strategic goals, particularly in South Asia, such as regional security and combating China's influence, rather than merely humanitarian considerations.

Trumpet call: How a second Trump term will affect US ties with India and Nepal

Nepali Times — Fri, 08 Nov 2024 00:02:46 +0000

‘..the Trump administration should see Nepal as a sovereign nation on its own right’

Originally published on Global Voices

Trump 2024 signage. Onondaga, New York, USA. Image by Adam Jones via Flickr (CC BY 2.0).

This story was written by Shristi Karki and originally published in the Nepali Times on November 6, 2024. An edited version is republished on Global Voices as part of a content-sharing agreement.

A shock wave is rolling across the United States over the return of Donald Trump to the White House, as well as the Republican control of the Senate and possibly the House. However, the consequences of this vote will impact not just America, but also people across the world.

In South Asia, it will mainly change the way Washington views and deals with China and India, along with more unpredictable consequences. The impact on Nepal will be governed by how US relations with the country’s two giant neighbours develop in the next four years.

“Compared to Harris, who has been focused more on multilateralism and maintaining allies, Trump is more confrontational and unilateral,” says National Assembly member and former Foreign Minister Bimala Rai Paudyel. “There is fear that Trump’s policies will push the world to become even more polarised than it is now.”

India and China will both be able to fill the gap left by Trump America’s retreat from global and regional leadership. They will be able to take advantage of Trump diluting relations with or abandoning traditional allies in Europe and Asia.

Although India has strong ties with the West, New Delhi has long wanted to call its own shots. It is using its growing economic clout to turn away from the EU and the US. For example, India has got away with importing oil from Russia despite Western sanctions. This is likely to increase under a Trump presidency.

Akhilesh Upadhyay, senior fellow at the Strategic Affairs Center, Institute for Integrated Development Studies (IIDS), says: “From a traditional security perspective, Nepal is bang in the middle of China and India. China and America have a great power rivalry, and it is unclear which way [the] Indian axis will go.”

India could also benefit if Trump follows through on threats of more tariffs on Chinese imports. Even though the Biden-Harris administration has been punishing China with tariffs and other barriers, Trump has in the past been more belligerent toward Beijing.

“On the one hand, India is close to [the] US in Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad); on the other hand, it takes part in BRICS where it works with Russia and China, and the Shanghai Cooperation. It remains to be seen how the US relationship plays out with our two big neighbours,” adds Upadhyay.

Since the enemy of an enemy is a friend, Washington has regarded India as its bulwark against increased Chinese economic and military clout. But New Delhi has not always gone along with US strategic interests and rankles about the US being too involved with India’s smaller neighbours, like Nepal, Sri Lanka, and Bangladesh.

Image via Nepali Times, used with permission.

On the downside, a Trump administration could curb the influx of Indian IT workers in the US and also scale back US job opportunities for Nepali students, which were ample under the Biden administration.

Some experts say which party is in the White House will not affect South Asian policy and Nepal even less, but a Trump win could mean less development assistance to Nepal, particularly in reproductive health, human rights and social safety.

Nischal Pandey at the Centre for South Asian Studies in Kathmandu says that the few state-level visits between the US and Nepal — from King Mahendra’s address to the joint session of US Congress during President Eisenhower's tenure in 1960 to Ganesh Man Singh being received at the White House by President Bush Sr after 1990, to US Secretary of State Colin Powell’s visit in 2002 during George HW Bush’s term — have all been during Republican administrations.

He adds, “Historically, Republican presidents and administrations have been more interested in Nepal than Democratic ones.”

More directly, Nepalis aspiring to migrate to the United States could find it more difficult. There are currently about 300 Nepalis waiting in Mexico for human traffickers to smuggle them into the United States, and that border is going to be tightened even more.

Earlier this year, São Paulo airport in Brazil had over 150 Nepalis stranded after arriving to take the Darien Gap backdoor to the US. Another 200 headed out to Brazil were stuck at Addis Ababa airport, forcing Ethiopia to ban visas to Nepalis.

Trump has threatened a high tariff on Mexican imports if it does not stop migrants. He plans to deport 11 million undocumented people.

Trump’s strong rhetoric on China could be bargaining brinkmanship, and it will be interesting to see how he balances this with Sino-Russian alignment. Biden did not roll back bans on Huawei and restrictions on TikTok, and US security concerns about China’s rise is a bipartisan issue, just as Gaza is. Harris would likely not have done things differently in those sectors.

MP Bimala Rai Paudyal says: “Trump’s win could cause economic tensions with China, which will affect trade here as well; this is something we will need to prepare for.”

America’s moral authority to lecture countries like Nepal on transitional justice, human rights, democracy, and press freedom will be diminished during the second Trump term.

Reproductive rights and support for family planning projects in Nepal through the UN system may also fall as it did during his earlier presidency. Foreign aid through USAID could also be cut.

Perhaps the more indirect impact of Trump's presidency on Nepal, however, will be his rollback on America’s commitment to curb climate change, which will accelerate the melting of the Himalayan icecaps with a major impact on the water supply downstream in Asia.

“America’s climate commitments and goals will be impacted by Trump, who doesn’t believe in climate change,” says Paudyal. “The current work on loss and damage, and carbon trading depends significantly on US funding, and the world looks to the US to be proactive.”

If Trump can bring the Ukraine war to a close by cosying up to Putin, a peace deal may improve the fuel and food situation globally. There are thousands of Nepalis in the Russian Army; at least 40 have died, and they could finally come home.

Upadhyay concludes: “As for Nepal, the Trump administration should see Nepal as a sovereign nation on its own right rather than through the prism of great power rivalry either between the US and China.”

Nepali Nobel Prize nominee Surya Subedi on law, human rights, and global peace

Sangita Swechcha — Sat, 02 Nov 2024 17:10:55 +0000

“I made it my mission to help alleviate people’s suffering around the world”

Originally published on Global Voices

Image via Professor Surya P. Subedi. Used with permission.

Professor Surya P. Subedi, OBE, KC is a distinguished scholar in international law and human rights, currently serving as a Professor at the University of Leeds, UK, and as a barrister in London. He has held the role of UN Special Rapporteur for human rights in Cambodia and served as a legal advisor to the UK’s Foreign and Commonwealth Office.

Honored with the Order of the British Empire (OBE) by Queen Elizabeth II and the title of King's Counsel, Professor Surya P. Subedi was also awarded the Suprabal Gorkhadaxinbahu by the late King Birendra of Nepal in 1998. His work has earned him a Nobel Peace Prize nomination and a global reputation as a preeminent international lawyer and champion of peace, human rights, and the rule of law. Professor Subedi has authored 12 books and over 60 articles in international journals, with a focus on global governance, economic justice, and the role of international law in fostering peace.

Global Voices interviewed Subedi via email to understand his perspectives on the evolving role of international law in promoting peace and justice, his journey from Nepal to becoming a global advocate, and his insights on the future of human rights worldwide.

Sangita Swechcha (SS): Your life and work have been chronicled in two biographies. How do you feel your personal and professional journey is reflected in them? What do you hope readers — both in Nepal and internationally — will gain from your experiences?

Prof. Surya Subedi (PSS): My publications — Prof. Surya Subedi: From Distinguished Scholar to Nobel Peace Prize Nomination (in Nepali by Bhagirath Yogi and Nabin Pokharel) and my English-language autobiography The Workings of Human Rights, Law, and Justice: A Journey from Nepal to Nobel Nominee — reflect well on my achievements and contributions toward making life fairer through the advancement of human rights and the rule of law, both nationally and internationally. When I wrote my memoir, my primary aim was to inspire the younger generation, encouraging people from all backgrounds to aim high in life. Both publications primarily focus on my work in international law and human rights, though it was not possible to cover, in a single volume, my work outside the legal field, including contributions to various charities and society at large. I hope to write a comprehensive memoir in the future that covers my work in all aspects of life.

SS: In your role as UN Special Rapporteur for Human Rights in Cambodia, what were some of the significant challenges you faced, and how did these experiences shape your views on international human rights law?

PSS: My experience of work for the United Nations in Cambodia has significantly contributed to my approach to life. In gaining knowledge, I learned much of people’s suffering around the world; and I made it my mission to help alleviate this however I could. This is what kept me going when I was fighting for human rights in Nepal, working for the UN in Cambodia and advising the British foreign secretary on human rights.

I consider myself a compassionate person — someone who notices suffering and acts to alleviate the pain. International law, I realised, has the potential to alleviate suffering. Thus, through my academic work, I have endeavoured to define, develop and enhance this tool, which I have also applied to the best of my abilities in my many hands-on engagements to promote human rights.

SS: What are your observations on Nepal's peace process since the resolution of the Maoist conflict, and how do you view the country's progress toward peace and democracy?

PSS: Despite avoiding a resurgence of violent conflict, Nepal’s post-conflict era has been far from perfect — it can be characterised as two steps forward and one-step backwards process. After the conclusion of the comprehensive peace accords (CPA) in 2006, Nepal has witnessed ethnic violence, rampant corruption, the politicisation of key public institutions and a failure to fully implement the provisions of the CPA. Of the three pillars of the Nepalese peace process, two — the integration of Maoist combatants in the Nepal Army and the promulgation of a new constitution — have been accomplished. But the third one — transitional justice — has been stalled again and again. The rights of the victims of the 10 year long civil war (1996–2006) and the principles of transitional justice, namely truth, justice, reparation, and institutional reform have been neglected and fallen victim to political consensus. What is most unfortunate is that these issues have been trapped in the constant making and breaking of governments in Kathmandu by politicians. However, after the compromise reached recently by the major political parties comprehensively address these issues, one can hope that they will be sincere this time in addressing these issues.

SS: As a member of the Expert Group on India-Nepal boundary issues, what positive impacts do you believe your work can bring to resolving these sensitive geopolitical matters? How do you approach these complex diplomatic challenges?

PSS: India and Nepal must resolve their borders through dialogue and diplomacy and when doing so they can benefit by the report that I submitted to the government in my capacity as a member of the expert group. If there is political will to resolve the dispute there are many models in resolving it and I have outlined these models and options available to the government.

SS: You’ve written extensively on global governance and economic justice. Based on your publications, how can international law better address economic inequality, especially in developing nations?

PSS: One of the things needed is the reform of international institutions including the United Nations. Their composition and decision making process do not reflect the current global reality. Another is to have a comprehensive international policy for financing development. The third is to demonstrate a genuine desire to address the impact of climate change on human rights and on the life of people in particularly vulnerable countries such as the least developed countries and small island states.

SS: As a nominee for the Nobel Peace Prize, how do you envision the future of human rights and peace-building in today’s world? What reforms do you think are necessary to enhance international cooperation for peace?

PSS: The reasons why we have witnessed major conflicts in various parts of the word in the recent past is due to the failure of the United Nations and the failure of diplomacy. The UN is making itself increasingly irrelevant in peace-building in the conflict areas. It is bogged down in its own bureaucratic methods of addressing the major challenges of our time and suffers from inefficiency. Powerful states are using human rights as a tool of their foreign policy objectives. The political architecture that was put in place in the immediate aftermath of the Second World War had a grand vision of ushering the world into a rules-based international order. The UN as an institution was founded on the three main pillars: the maintenance of international peace and security, human rights, and development. The rise of populism and nationalism, renewed claims of national sovereignty over international collective commitments, the impact of new technologies on personal liberty and the excesses of capitalism are posing an unprecedented challenge to liberal values, the rules-based international order, and the human rights agenda. Therefore, the peace-loving people from around the globe should be united to revive the spirit of the time when the Charter of the United Nations was adopted.

Understanding lingering poverty and malnutrition in the aftermath of Sri Lanka's economic crisis

GroundViews — Thu, 31 Oct 2024 01:15:55 +0000

Since the 2019 economic crisis, four million Sri Lankans have fallen into poverty

Originally published on Global Voices

During the 2022 Sri Lankan economic crisis, people endured long waits to refill liquefied petroleum gas cylinders. Image by AntanO via Wikimedia Commons (CC BY-SA 4.0).

This article by Nimaya Dahanayake originally appeared on Groundviews, an award-winning citizen journalism website in Sri Lanka. An edited version is published below as part of a content-sharing agreement with Global Voices.

Seetha is an elderly woman who takes care of her three grandchildren, all below the age of 15. She lives in a section of her late daughter’s house, where the electricity has been disconnected for the past three months because of non-payment of arrears. She earns a living by selling manioc chips and earns about LKR 700 to 800 (USD 2.4 to 2.7) a day, out of which LKR 500 (USD 1.7) is spent on food.

As there is no electricity in her house, she uses candles, purchasing three to four candles at LKR 30 (USD 0.10) per candle every day. On at least three days a week, Seetha is only able to afford one meal. Her grandchildren go to school when they can, often staying back if they are unable to afford the transport and food costs. Despite her financial situation, the only kind of government support she receives is a senior citizen allowance, amounting to a mere LKR 1,000 (USD 3.4) a month. She receives no other financial support from the government.

The eradication of poverty was a key aspect of the presidential campaigns of lead candidates in the run-up to the September presidential election this year. Promises to “make poverty a part of history” and to provide a “universal social protection system” intended to convey a certain sensitivity of the presidential candidates to the plight of many Sri Lankans, 25.9 percent of whom are estimated to live below the poverty line as of 2023, following the worst economic crisis since independence.

Kathmandu's floods expose a deepening garbage crisis

Nepali Times — Mon, 28 Oct 2024 11:22:26 +0000

The rivers threw trash right back at city dwellers who had dumped them

Originally published on Global Voices

Image by Suman Nepali via Nepali Times. Used with permission.

It took the Great Nepali Floods of September 28, 2024, for the residents of Kathmandu to fully grasp the extent of the trash being dumped into the Valley’s sacred rivers.

Even three weeks later, plastic bags still hang like flags from the high branches of trees in Teku and Sankhamul suburbs in the Nepali capital, stark reminders of how high the water rose on that fateful day. Pieces of cloth, Styrofoam, plastic bottles, and other debris remain scattered along the damaged pavements and embankments on the banks of the Bagmati river.

This was the revenge of the rivers. The Bagmati, Vishnumati, Manohara, and Nakkhu struck back at the city dwellers for treating the once sacred rivers as dumpsites. The rivers threw the trash right back where it came from.

“If we do not want such garbage being washed away during the monsoon, we should prioritise waste management. We should focus on every aspect of waste generation,” says Shilashila Acharya of Avni Ventures, a recycling company in Kathmandu. “Dumping sites are often near the riversides. So, we might also want to rethink the locations of the dumping sites.”

Image by Suman Nepali via Nepali Times. Used with permission.

Single-use plastic is the largest source of trash in Kathmandu Valley, with an estimated 5 million plastic bags used daily. About 800 tons of this non-biodegradable material is dumped in the river or in landfill sites every day.

Thicker plastics, such as bottles and other discarded household items, are collected by waste pickers for recycling. However, plastic bags thinner than 20 microns — often used just once to carry vegetables or other food — are simply discarded. One plastic bag takes 500 years to completely biodegrade, and microplastics contaminate drinking water and find its way into the human food chain.

Plastics thrown carelessly into rivers can clog drainage systems, disrupt the water cycle and poison aquatic species and wildlife. Waste collecting companies have realised that there is money in trash, and are doing good business recycling the plastic bottles and large items. However, since thin plastic bags aren’t recyclable, they often end up being swept down the Bagmati River towards the plains.

Image by Suman Nepali via Nepali Times. Used with permission.

“Cleaning campaigns are not enough. When we clean, we pick up the waste from one site and throw it off in another likely a landfill. This does not deal with the main problem of waste,” says Nabin Maharjan of Blue Waste to Value (BW2V) which recycles waste and turns them into sellable products such as cooking utensils.

He adds: “But what we can do instead is pick the waste in a segregated form, reduce them to products and sell them. And that is how a circular economy can thrive. The government and local authorities should be involved.”

Nepal’s governments has attempted to ban polythene and single-use plastic bags thinner than 20 microns several times in the past, but these regulations were quickly repealed due to lobbying by plastic pellet importers with political connections.

Hanging from railings on the Bagmati banks, and swinging from trees at its confluence with the Vishnumati in Teku are at least seven types of plastic. The lowest grade are single use thin plastic bags that need to be banned at source.

Image by Suman Nepali via Nepali Times. Used with permission.

But half-buried in the silt of the Bagmati’s floodplain are PET (polyethylene terephthalate) bottles, which can easily be recycled. While waste collectors do remove most of these and other recyclables before disposal, many still end up in the river. Without extended producer responsibility, the Nepali government does not require manufacturers to ensure proper recycling.

“The first and foremost step of waste management starts is the segregation of biodegradable and non-biodegradable trash at source. Secondly, there should be more planned landfills within a community. While we prefer landfills to be away from the city, planned smaller landfills help better manage the waste of a community,” adds Acharya.

“Third is the partnership that can exist between government authorities like Kathmandu municipalities with private organizations who are already working in waste management. This collaboration can help them better manage the waste,” she says.

Image by Suman Nepali via Nepali Times. Used with permission.

The Kathmandu Valley produces an estimated 1,200 tons of waste every day, most of which ends up unsegregated at the landfill site at Banchare Danda of Nuwakot, after the previous site at Sisdole got filled up in 2022. Nearly 65 percent of it is still organic household waste, and can easily be turned into compost and need not end up in landfills at all.

Much of the paper, plastic bottles, metal and glass can also be recycled easily if they are segregated at source — as Mayor Balen Shah promised in his election campaigning. This could reduce the volume of garbage that has to be sent in fleets of tipper trucks every day to the landfill.

Residents living near Banchare already suffer serious health risks from water contaminated by leachate from the dumpsite.

Says Nabin Maharjan: “We have to start working on minimising the waste generation. Until waste prevention is not taken seriously, this cycle of people throwing waste and people cleaning it up will never end.”

Image by Suman Nepali via Nepali Times. Used with permission.

This Kenyan entrepreneur cycled through 7 states in India to tackle racism

Bird — Sat, 26 Oct 2024 01:30:12 +0000

‘When a Black man is attacked because of his skin color, it's not an attack on one individual but an attack on entire Africa’

Originally published on Global Voices

Peter Ngugi cycling in Shillong India. Photo provided by Bird, used with permission.

This story was originally published by news agency Bird on October 21, 2024. An abridged version is republished below as part of a content-sharing agreement.

In 2016, during the winter season in Delhi, India, what started as a minor altercation powered by racism ended up in the death of an African man.

Two Indian men, seemingly in a hurry, approached a rickshaw they wanted to board, but there wasn't enough space in the public transport vehicle. Their solution was to ask an African man who had already boarded to alight to make room for them.

As you would expect, the African felt singled out because of his skin colour. He wasn’t willing to step out without a fight. A heated argument ensued and quickly escalated to a physical altercation. The Indian men overpowered the African man, pushed him to the ground, and then brought down a huge rock on his head. He died!

Olivier Masonda was a 23-year-old Congolese teacher who left the Democratic Republic of Congo in 2012 to study in India. The murder was caught on a CCTV camera and sparked an uproar that reverberated throughout India: was this a racially charged murder? The Delhi Police arrested the two suspects and launched a manhunt for a third. This killing sparked collective pain and a cry for justice from Africans living in India.

The shocking murder in the open streets of India was also the final straw for Peter Ngugi, a Kenyan living in India at the time. He picked up his bicycle and cycled across the country to combat racism, in the process “breaking the internet” and becoming news himself in the days following the murder. But Ngugi’s story doesn’t start here. It started in Kenya.

Society funds trip to India

Let’s travel back to 2013, to Mikindani, Mombasa, Kenya. There lived a humble young man, Peter Ngugi, who had completed his secondary-level education and was not interested in pursuing a university education. What for when he had a passion for computers and a brain that loved business, a brain that could set him up for a career as an entrepreneur? Determined to maximise his talent, Ngugi set up a small movie shop that doubled as an electronics and hardware repair shop. Stunners Inc., he called it.

A friend noticed his love for computers and, despite Ngugi’s lack of interest in academia, advised him to consider taking a degree in India, citing the country's excellent track record in computer-related courses.

Initially dismissive, the idea plagued Ngugi. For a long while, he thought about it, and then, in 2013, he decided to apply for a course in computer science at India’s KSR Institute for Engineering and Technology.

Unable at first to raise the fees and travel costs, the universe clicked into gear, conspiring as it so often does to help a man or woman on a mission. This time, it came through in the form of local society. Ngugi said it was mama Mboga, the shopkeepers, and other small business owners, together with his friends and family, who came together to fund-raise for his travel and fees.

Landing in India

After moving to India, he was determined to do his best and return with a computer science degree.

But what we plan and what happens are mostly worlds apart, as Ngugi came to learn first-hand.

Barely one semester into his course, Ngugi realised that everything he had dreamed of was just but a mirage. The reality of the course, as he explained, “missed the advertising mark they had given.” Moreover, his society back in Kenya had only funded his first semester, and Ngugi had to work to earn and pay for his fees. Stressed and under pressure, he dropped out.

But with the expectations of his entire society on his shoulders, Ngugi wasn’t ready to fly back home. He decided to remain in India, hang tough, and hustle hard.

Thanks to a strong and closely-knit community of Kenyans in India, a friend, Munene Robert, took Ngugi in.

The Hackathon competition

With the cash equivalent to Ksh.20,000 (USD 180), which he had saved up, Ngugi enrolled at a coding institute — and became one of the top students.

While learning how to code, Ngugi entered into a hackathon coding competition organised by IBM in India, and clinched the first runner-up position. He even made news in Indian newspapers for his flair in coding. IBM was also interested in hearing his business ideas. Ngugi pitched Office Space Finder, a platform to connect young entrepreneurs with companies that have extra space they can rent out. IBM loved the idea. They funded it, setting up a then-21-year-old Ngugi with a handsome salary and a life that had earlier on only existed as a dreamed utopia deep in the recesses of his mind.

Not only did he get a budget to hire people and pay them well, but he also had a driver to drive him around in a company vehicle. You’d hit the nail on the head if you said that Ngugi had it all. But that was about to change.

Girls. Alcohol. A debauched life that seemed attractive to a 21-year-old master of the universe.

Mistakes and shame

It wasn’t long before his IBM bosses noticed his off-the-rails demeanour. In March 2015, young Ngugi was fired. He fell hard and far, straight into the depths of depression.

The shame. From riches to rags. Depression gnawed at his mind.

During his brief high-status stint, Africans living in India had looked up to him. Unable to face them again, he resorted to running away from the city. At this point, he still had a pile of amassed savings. Among the 27 states in India, there was only one that Ngugi did not visit during this time, trying to outrun his shame. He eventually settled in Meghalaya, where he volunteered as a maths and English teacher, tutoring children under the age of 11. He also taught at a school for the disabled in Shillong.

Then came the 2016 altercation between two murderous Indians and an African in a rickshaw, which would change Peter Ngugi’s life for good.

Pedalling for peace

When Ngugi heard about the incident, he was shocked and saddened. In an interview with Indian explorer and mountaineer Anindya Mukherjee, he said, “It feels like someone is stripping off the dignity of Africa and not just a person. When an attack is on a Black man on the basis of his color then it's not an attack on one individual, it's an attack on entire Africa.”

He added, “The person was killed in a simple auto-rickshaw disagreement, a day before his birthday. It portrayed that the life of an African is very cheap. It can be thrown away any time.”

He wanted Africans to live in harmony with Indians. So, he thought of creating a platform where conversations about racism and its solutions could be had.

That was when the idea to cycle through India, hosting events in schools and meeting with Indian leaders and the police to champion open talks to gain an understanding of racism and streamline solutions, struck him. His Indian friends loved the idea and funded him.

Peter Ngugi is welcomed by cyclists in Odisha, India. Photo provided by Bird, used with permission.

One morning, armed only with courage and inspiration from Che Guevara's Motorcycle Diaries, Ngugi started the journey that would see him cycle 5,000 plus kilometres (3,107 miles) across seven states in India — the first time he had done long-distance cycling.

Ngugi’s act became something that Indians embraced, an opening for conversations about race, status and identity that could make life in India better, and an act that changed Ngugi’s life as he knew it.

Peter Ngugi being received in Guhawati, India. Photo provided by Bird, used with permission.

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