Originally published on Global Voices

Screenshot from video “Thousands left stranded in Niger's migrant camps”, uploaded to YouTube by AfricaNews. Fair use.

In the vast expanse of the Sahara Desert, near the border between Algeria and Niger, thousands of Sub-Saharan migrants face a harrowing ordeal. Deported by Algerian authorities, they are often left stranded without food, water, or shelter, forced to traverse the unforgiving desert terrain under extreme temperatures. This practice has drawn sharp criticism from human rights organizations, which argue that it violates international humanitarian standards and endangers lives. 

In a report from 2020, Human Rights Watch refugee and migrant researcher Lauren Seibert said, “Algeria is entitled to protect its borders, but not to arbitrarily detain and collectively expel migrants, including children and asylum seekers, without a trace of due process.” 

Staggering numbers of expulsions

Since January 2024, Algeria has expelled nearly 20,000 African migrants, including women and children, to neighboring Niger. These expulsions are frequently conducted under harsh conditions, with migrants being abandoned in the desert near the border, compelled to walk for miles to reach safety. The organization Alarme Phone Sahara, which assists migrants in the desert between Algeria and Niger, reported that at least 19,798 individuals were deported from January to August 2024.

According to the organization, migrants deported to northern Niger often find themselves stranded in precarious conditions in the Agadez region in northern Niger, unable to either continue their journey or return home despite some expressing a desire to do so. 

This situation has been exacerbated by extreme weather events between May and August 2024, where severe droughts were followed by devastating floods. “The climate crisis is already a reality, and people on the move, as well as the local population in Niger, are among those most directly affected by its consequences,” the report adds, underscoring the immediate impact of the climate crisis on both migrants and local communities. 

Desperate journeys through the desert

With the European Union putting pressure on North African countries to prevent the flow of migration, mass expulsions have increased, with the EU well aware of the conditions. According to a report by the Associated Press in 2018, the deportation process often begins with mass arrests in Algerian cities, where migrants are detained and then transported to the southern border regions. Upon arrival, they are left in remote desert areas, sometimes at gunpoint, and forced to walk under scorching temperatures reaching up to 48 degrees Celsius (118 degrees Fahrenheit). This perilous journey has resulted in numerous deaths, with migrants succumbing to dehydration, heatstroke, and exhaustion.

Human rights organizations have condemned these actions, highlighting the lack of due process and the inhumane treatment of migrants. In a 2023 statement, the World Organization Against Torture stated that “These migrants are subject to torture and ill-treatment. They are arbitrarily arrested and detained with no procedural guarantees,” accusing Algeria’s migration policies of targeting Black migrants from sub-Saharan countries, and pointing out “security forces’ use of ethnically charged verbal abuse.” 

Between January and April 2023, over 11,000 individuals were deported to Niger, with the trend continuing into 2024 with the International Organization of Migration providing assistance to these migrants, offering food, water, and medical care upon their arrival in Niger.

Ethical and legal questions

The Algerian government, however, maintains that these deportations are conducted in accordance with bilateral agreements with Niger and are necessary to combat illegal immigration and human trafficking. Officials argue that the presence of irregular migrants poses security and economic challenges, necessitating strict measures to control migration flows.

Despite these justifications, the conditions under which these deportations occur have raised significant ethical and legal questions. International law mandates that deportations should be carried out with respect for human rights and dignity, ensuring the safety and well-being of individuals. The practice of abandoning migrants in the desert, without adequate provisions or assistance, starkly contrasts with these principles.

The plight of these migrants is further compounded by the broader context of migration in North Africa. Many Sub-Saharan Africans embark on perilous journeys through the Sahara, aiming to reach Europe in search of better opportunities. However, stringent border controls and restrictive migration policies in North African countries, often supported by European Union initiatives, have made these journeys increasingly dangerous.

Life on the margin

In Algeria, Sub-Saharan migrants live in precarious conditions, balancing the fear of deportation with the hope of establishing a better life. Many find work in construction, and women, often accompanied by children, resort to begging at traffic intersections. Despite the risk of periodic police roundups, some migrants have managed to establish small businesses and live relatively stable lives, providing for their families back home. However, the lack of asylum rights and restrictive labor laws for foreigners make their future in Algeria uncertain.

The international community has a crucial role to play in addressing this humanitarian crisis, supporting organizations assisting migrants on the ground, and ensuring comprehensive migration policies that prioritize human rights and provide safe and legal pathways for migrants. 

As the world grapples with complex migration challenges, the stories of those abandoned in the Sahara serve as a stark reminder of the human cost of restrictive migration policies and the imperative to uphold human rights and protect the most vulnerable among us.

Written by El Mehdi Boufaddi

Originally published on Global Voices

Sara Qashghai, photographed with one of her intricate Pateh pieces, 2024. Photo courtesy of the artist.

Sara Soleimani Ghashghai’s work with Pateh, a traditional Iranian needlework art, offers a fresh and contemporary interpretation of a centuries-old craft. Pateh, distinct to the city of Kerman in southeastern Iran, is a form of embroidery where wool, silk, and sometimes gold threads stitch intricate designs, often of flowers, birds, and vibrant patterns. 

Yet, through her mastery of seven distinct sewing techniques, Qashghai transcends traditional motifs, weaving not just images but complex narratives that convey emotions and stories with remarkable depth. By pushing the boundaries of this ancient art form, Sara elevates Pateh into a medium for sophisticated storytelling, communicating her feelings, reflections, and powerful social messages in a way that feels both intimate and universally resonant.

This art dates back centuries and has roots in the Persian Safavid era, with the earliest known examples from 1868. It has long been a way for the people of Kerman to bring the colors of nature into their homes, compensating for the lack of greenery in the arid desert landscape.

Sara Qashghai, ‘Say Her Name,’ 2023. Pateh Douzi on fabric. 80 x 100 cm (31.5 x 39.4 in). Photo courtesy of the artist.

Qashghai’s journey into Pateh began after studying historical preservation and fine arts. She completed her bachelor’s in historic preservation and pursued her higher education in painting. Qashghai worked as a restorer of antique wooden objects for over a decade, but eight years ago, she shifted her focus to Pateh. Her work gained recognition when the Aran Gallery in Tehran began showcasing her pieces. Since then, she has exhibited widely, including in prestigious Los Angeles and San Diego galleries. Her work is featured at the Advocartsy Gallery in Los Angeles and the Mingei Museum in San Diego. Her exhibitions abroad highlight her commitment to elevating Pateh on the global art stage while staying true to its cultural roots.

Sara Qashghai, ‘Memories,’ 2023. Pateh Douzi on fabric. 55.5 x 116.5 cm (21.9 x 45.9 in). Photo courtesy of the artist.

In an interview with Global Voices, Qashghai discusses her unique artistic journey, which blends creativity with cultural preservation.

Excerpts from the interview follow:

Sara Qashghai, ‘Humans and Anthropoids in a Dance of Liberty,’ 2023. Pateh Douzi on fabric. Size: 128 x 65 cm (50.4 x 25.6 in). Photo courtesy of the artist.

Sara Qashghai (SQ): My works evolved from handicrafts to art through my unique approach to technique based on two main factors. First, while this craft once earned recognition in global museums, rising material costs and mass production led to diminished quality with repetitive designs. I focus on using high-quality materials and creative techniques. Second, Iranian women, particularly nomadic ones, have historically used wool to create beauty in everyday life — through carpets, kilims, Gabbeh and Pateh.

Sara Qashghai, ‘Farewell,’ 2023. Pateh Douzi on fabric. 50 x 110 cm (19.7 x 43.3 in). Photo courtesy of the artist.

Through the help of my artisans, I express emotions, thoughts, hopes, and dreams using thread. The threads reflect the mood of the piece — soft and close together to convey calm or spread apart, rough and expressive to show anger or frustration. Each stitch and color choice has its own meaning. In the past, I directed all stitching techniques, but now, the emotions of my artisans — who have experienced violence and injustice — naturally influence the work, creating a powerful collaboration.

For example, in my piece on Mahsa Amini, the harsh stitches and colors conveyed a deep sense of bitterness and violence. The threads, sometimes harsh like a noose or delicate like flower petals, help me tell my story. Technique and theme are equally important. In “Niloofar in the Swamp,” I portray the Iranian woman as a resilient water lily growing in harsh conditions. The threads can symbolize different elements —war, peace, or even angels — ultimately conveying my hope for peace and victory.

Sara Qashghai, ‘Till You Are Unaware of Body and Soul, How Can You Know the Beloved’s Heart,’ inspired by The Conference of the Birds by Attar, 2024. Pateh Douzi on Wool. 200 x 100 cm (78.7 x 39.4 in). Photo courtesy of the artist.

SQ: I don’t consciously choose the themes; I am deeply influenced by events, memories, and experiences around me, as well as how society and people respond to these changes. I believe an artist cannot be untouched by social transformations. Therefore, the themes of my work are inspired by my feelings and the events around me.

OM: How does collaboration with local artists and showcasing your work globally impact the revival of these arts?

SQ: Unfortunately, due to economic challenges and high production costs, Kerman Pateh and materials are experiencing a noticeable decline, leading artisans to replicate previous designs. When artists like myself enter the scene, focusing on material selection, injecting financial support, and applying creativity, they significantly revitalize the themes and techniques, contributing to the resurgence of this art form.

 Sara Qashghai, ‘Mothers and Children of the Middle East,’ 2023. Pateh Douzi on fabric. Size: 182 x 67 cm (71.5 x 26.4 in). Photo courtesy of the artist.

SQ: My process typically begins with an idea reflecting my concerns and the issues facing my community at that time. I collaborate with local artisans, making it a collective, feminine effort. Initially, I would paint the design on paper and transfer it to fabric. Now, I draw directly on the fabric, sometimes sketching multiple ideas and combining them spontaneously. Half of the design is improvised for some works, and I always create color sketches to guide my thread selections before adding intuitive stitches.

OM: What is the perception of your work in Iran, and are there other artists using similar techniques for their artistic expression? How does it differ from your experience abroad?

Sara: I can confidently say that no one in Iran has woven their imagination with Kerman Pateh as I have. In Kerman, this technique is typically viewed as a handicraft with designs that have undergone minimal changes for nearly a century. I have not seen anyone else use this technique since my work. However, I have encountered some pieces in museums near San Diego that employed sewing similar to mine. Still, they did not match the diversity of Kerman Pateh, which features seven distinct and fascinating stitching techniques — something even specialists in American museums have noted.

Sara Qashghai, ‘Astonished, She Said, “The Army of Iran Has Come,”‘ Inspired by ‘Women in Shahnameh‘ by Ferdowsi, 2024. Pateh Douzi on Wool. Size: 300 x 100 cm (118.1 x 39.4 in). Photo courtesy of the artist.

OM: To what extent can you freely express your ideas and balance between conveying a message and artistic expression, ensuring your work doesn’t become merely propagandistic?

SQ: When I create and begin sketching, I become so immersed in the narrative that I simply draw whatever comes to my mind and heart, influenced by my emotions and experiences. I do not think about it becoming propagandistic; if it happens, it’s entirely unintentional. I believe that even if it were to occur, there would be an authenticity that transcends mere slogans.

Sara Qashghai, ‘Memories,’ 2023. Pateh Douzi on fabric. 55.5 x 116.5 cm (21.9 x 45.9 in). Photo courtesy of the artist.

OM: Who are some artists within and outside Iran that inspire your work?

SQ: In some pieces, I have been heavily influenced by poets and artists from Iran, particularly the themes in the works of classical Iranian poets. For instance, images from “Shahnameh” by Ferdowsi, “The Conference of the Birds” by Attar, and “Kelileh o Demneh” have had a profound impact on me. Regarding Western artists, I draw inspiration from Cézanne, Matisse, and Degas, whose works I adore. Of course, there are many others, as I love exploring galleries and museums and have a strong visual memory.

Sara Qashghai, ‘Wondering in the Land and See,’ 2024. Pateh Douzi on Wool. 200 x 100 cm (78.7 x 39.4 in). Photo courtesy of the artist.

Written by Omid Memarian

Originally published on Global Voices

Image by Arzu Geybullayeva.

November 25 marks the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women. As women across the world took to the streets to mark the day, similar scenes were also witnessed in Turkey.

As in previous years, bans on public gatherings, roadblocks, heavy police presence and subsequent violence did not go unnoticed. According to some accounts, some 200 people were detained. The number of femicides keeps growing, and this year was no exception. According to We Will Stop Femicide, a local group documenting and monitoring violence against women, more than 400 women were killed in 2024 thus far. Another website called Anit Sayac (Turkish for “monument tracker”) reports the number at 412 for 2024.

Women's rights groups say the rise of femicides is the doing of the ruling Justice and Development Party and that the state's policies against abuse are inadequate and are heavily influenced by religious values and outdated norms that condone both abuse and abusers. The ruling government's decision to withdraw from the Istanbul Convention has only worsened the environment of impunity for women in the country, even if President Recep Tayyip Erdogan denies that this is the case.

Istanbul Convention

Turkey withdrew from the Istanbul Convention — a treaty signed by member states of the Council of Europe to prevent violence and domestic abuse against women — over what the ruling government of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) called the treaty’s “normalization of homosexuality.” At the time of the withdrawal from the convention, scores of ruling party supporters rushed to endorse the decision, calling the convention “wrong,” “marginal,” “evil.” Meanwhile, President Erdoğan assured women that the state will rely on national laws to prevent gender-based violence. However, numbers reported and documented by local women's organizations tell a different story.

As Esin Izel Uysal, a lawyer for We Will Stop Femicides Platform told DW, “Violence against women has taken on a new dimension. The crimes are becoming more brutal, and the victims and perpetrators are getting younger.” Exposure to violence within homes, attacks on the streets, and lack of changes on an institutional level attest that the promises to protect and prevent gender-based violence delivered by the authorities have thus far failed.

On the opposite end of the domestic political discourse is a proposal by Istanbul mayor, Ekrem İmamoğlu who announced a new “360 degree action plan,” on November 25. The plan includes, among many things, making streets safer for women, introducing incentives for women's economic independence, and policy reforms. The mayor also promised a return to the Istanbul Convention.

“We have worked tirelessly to stand by women and children in this city, and we will continue to do so. Women and children will always be our priority. We will stand with you. You will never walk alone,” said the mayor, speaking in Istanbul on November 25.

Ahead of the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women, Turkey witnessed a series of femicides. In October, two women were killed in Istanbul. İkbal Uzuner and Ayşenur Halil were killed by 19-year-old Semih Çelik, who took his own life after committing the crimes. Çelik reportedly had previous convictions and struggled with mental health. He also was connected to numerous “incel” (involuntary celibate) groups in Turkey, which are known for calling on men, via social media platforms, to rape, harass, and murder women. Rojin Kabaiş, a 21-year-old university student who was missing for 18 days, was also found dead.

Also in October, a two-year-old baby died after weeks in a coma after being sexually abused in Tekirdağ province. Speaking to journalists, the head of the Tekirdağ Bar Association, Egemen Gürcün, said child abuse has been on the rise in the province, “citing 283 requests for lawyers in child abuse cases from the bar association in 2023 alone, with 172 requests so far in 2024,” reported Bianet news website.

In September, a 26-year-old policewoman was killed by an assailant who held 26 criminal offenses. The same month, the country was rocked with the devastating news that eight-year-old Narin Güran's body was found near the village where she lived with her family. The little girl's death triggered country-wide protests and calls for state accountability.

In total, 48 women were killed in October and 34 in September. The data for November is yet to be shared by the We Will Stop Femicides platform.

Şebnem Gümüşçü, associate professor of political science at Middlebury College, recently penned a piece for the Wilson Center, in which the author arguing that the issue is political. The legislation, specifically Article 6284, which on paper serves to prevent all forms of violence and abuse against women, is not enforced, and the responsibility is with the state and its institutions, according to Gümüşçü. “Since 2012, hundreds of women have been killed by their partners or other family members. Many were seeking protection from authorities after submitting several complaints to the police. Authorities’ reluctance is partly cultural. However, the ruling party, the AKP, did not attempt to address the cultural components to prevent crimes against women and children. Instead, the party and its leader, Tayyip Erdoğan, not only failed to resolve the problem but exacerbated it in various ways. Erdoğan’s ideology and political concessions to different groups to stay in power played a crucial role in this process,” opined Gümüşçü.

The conservative Islamist narrative is one element, while weak institutions and protective measures are another. Official statements also add insult to injury. On November 21, Turkish Interior Minister Ali Yerlikaya blamed victims for their own murders on the grounds that they failed to follow the rules. Mor Cati, a leading Turkish NGO working to prevent and document domestic violence, responded in a statement blaming the authorities for the lack of state protection and support mechanisms, which often force women to seek their own solutions, including communicating with the perpetrator out of fear if they do not agree, they would subject to further violence.

“Yerlikaya's statement is also an example of the problems caused by treating the fight against violence against women as a public order problem in Turkey. It is not possible to combat violence by only issuing protective measures to women without any social work. We remind once again that the state's duty is not to blame women for being subjected to violence but to establish gender equality, protect women from violence, and punish the perpetrators, and that it should do so in coordination with the Family and Social Services Ministry,” read the rest of Mor Cati's statement.

Detentions

While most of those detained during the march on November 25 have been released, at least three foreign nationals remain in custody facing possible deportation. They are Azerbaijani citizens and queer activists Ali Malikov, and Parvin Alakbarova. Both have been subject to ill-treatment and beating. They are currently in Kocaeli Immigration Detention Center, one of many immigration detention centers where abuse and mistreatment are rampant, as per international watchdog reports. Friends who have had the opportunity to speak with the activists say the conditions in which the two are currently being held are inhumane and that both have been heavily mistreated by the police since their detention.

Written by Arzu Geybullayeva

Originally published on Global Voices

Picture by somalilandstandard, Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons.

By Mohamed Osman Guudle

The political landscape of the Horn of Africa is one of the world's most complex and contentious. Its epicenter is the longstanding conflict between Somalia and Somaliland with roots in history, colonial legacies, and competing national identities.

In January 2025, Somalia will be taking its seat at the UN Security Council for two years.

But while the world has been talking about Somalia and its problems with terrorism, governance, and security, very little attention has been paid to the Republic of Somaliland, recognized internationally as part of Somalia, although the latter reinstated its lost independence of June 26, 1960, on May 18, 1991.

A tale of two histories

To understand the conflict between contemporary Somalia and Somaliland, one has to consider the colonial legacy that was wrought upon the two. During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, European powers divided the Horn of Africa into five distinct areas. The northern part of it was under the administration of Britain, forming a protectorate named British Somaliland, while Italy ruled the southern portion of Somalia.

Whereas British Somaliland had a more hands-off system, Italian Somalia experienced more direct colonial administration; the two united upon gaining independence in 1960 (June 26 for Somaliland, July 1 for Somalia) into the Somali Republic through the pan-Somali ideal of an integrated nation-state bringing together all Somali-speaking peoples, also including those in Ethiopia, Kenya, and Djibouti.

This unity, however, was fragile from the outset. The northern region, having fallen under British rule, felt politically and culturally detached from the southern-dominated government in Mogadishu. Quite simply, Somaliland's colonial history sharply contrasted with that of the south, leaving a legacy of distrust.

The fall of the Somali Republic and the restoration of Somaliland's independence

The Somali Republic was relatively stable until the 1970s, when Siad Barre‘s military regime seized power in a coup. Barre's government initially espoused a sort of “scientific socialism” and national unity but quickly fell into rank authoritarianism, driving growing discontent among the people of Somaliland.

In the late 1980s, in the north, an opposition movement was formed: the Somali National Movement (SNM). It demanded autonomy in the wake of ruthless government repression. Between 1987 and 1989, an estimated 200,000 people were massacred by Barre’s forces, and millions fled to neighboring countries. The conflict raged on, and, by 1991, when the central government fell and Barre was ousted, the northern region unilaterally restored its independence under the name of the Republic of Somaliland. Since then, Somaliland has operated in relative stability, forging its own government, military, and institutions, but it has never been recognized by the international community.

Somalia's territorial integrity vs Somaliland's quest for recognition

The genesis of disagreement between Somalia and Somaliland finds its basis in two opposing narratives: the status quo of a territorial integrity that Somalia ascribes to, juxtaposed with Somaliland's claim for independence based upon a unique identity with historical autonomy.

To Somalia, Somaliland's separation means a violation of its territorial integrity. The government of Somalia still considers Somaliland an “integral part of the Somali Republic” and says that recognizing Somaliland would create a dangerous precedent on the whole African continent for “separatist movements.”

The government of Somalia, with support from the African Union (AU) and United Nations, prioritizes national unity to ensure regional stability. It advocates for reconciliation and peaceful conflict resolution within Somalia’s recognized borders, emphasizing cooperation against threats like al-Shabaab, piracy, and clan conflicts. The government promotes a federal system granting regional powers while rejecting any secession.

For Somaliland, its desire to be recognized comes from a history that makes it a separate entity prior to unification in 1960. The restoration of independence in 1991 was driven by a desire to escape the chaos and violent conflict that raged in southern Somalia after the collapse of its central government.

For Somaliland, its stability is proof of its ability to govern itself, ensuring peace and order. It has developed its own functioning political system, held several free elections, and developed a relatively strong economy based on trade, livestock, and remittances from the Somaliland diaspora.

The leaders of the Somaliland government insist that the Somali Republic did not defend the north, and therefore Somaliland's people have every right to self-determination, just like any other nation. They refer to the international recognition accorded to other self-declared states, such as Kosovo, and argue that their case should be treated no differently.

Somalia's seat in the Security Council

Somalia's UNSC seat solidifies its monopoly on representing all Somali people, including Somaliland, on the world stage and enables it to advance its diplomatic agenda against Somaliland's independence. This presents a nightmare for Somaliland, given that the international community is unlikely to move toward recognizing Somaliland while Somalia is actively engaged in global diplomacy.

The global community is sensitive to the explosive situation in the Horn of Africa and the growing need to find solutions to the many conflicts across the region. However, it remains divided on the issue of Somaliland's independence. While informal diplomacy by countries such as Ethiopia and Kenya has been exercised with Somaliland, supporting its autonomy in various ways, they have held back from formally recognizing it, due to apprehensions over the wider regional implications of supporting secession.

It is for this reason that the AU has always stuck to the letter on the issue of territorial integrity in Africa and is apprehensive that recognizing Somaliland would promote more “fragmentation” in Africa-especially where other “secessionist” movements occur.

However, Somaliland's leaders argue that their case is not secessionist and should not be put within the context of larger continental politics. They underline the fact that this matter for them has to do with self-determination and a government of Somalia that has failed to provide stability and inclusivity representative of all its peoples.

No likely solution

While much of the Horn of Africa faces political and security problems, the dispute between Somalia and Somaliland still represents a fundamental divide that has not been overcome. The absence of relevant initiatives for recognition on the part of Somalia or a commitment to a reconciliation process that would take into consideration the aspirations of both regions, means the international community is unlikely to make a move in this regard.

Somaliland’s pursuit of independence is steeped in a separate identity, traumatic war, and an experience of repression under the central government of Somalia. For Somalia, the goal is unity in a region prone to instability and ensuring sovereignty.

For now, these two narratives — unity or self-determination — have reached an impasse, with the future of the Horn of Africa hanging in the balance.

Dr. Mohamed Osman Guudle is a Somaliland scholar specializing in Economics, Political Science, and International Relations. He holds a PhD from Istanbul University (2019) and is a researcher based in Hargeisa, Somaliland. His focus is on the political and economic issues of the Horn of Africa, particularly Somaliland, Ethiopia, Djibouti, and the Red Sea region. Additionally, he serves as the president of the Somaliland Society of Political Scientists (SSPS), a nonprofit organization dedicated to advancing the study and research of political science.

Written by Guest Contributor

Originally published on Global Voices

Illustration by Zena El Abdalla. Used with permission.

This post by Giulia Crisci was first published by UntoldMag on September 13, 2024. This edited version is republished on Global Voices as part of a content-sharing agreement. 

In the noisy center of Algiers, in a café near the Grande Poste, Medjeda Zouine and Nadjoua Rahem, journalists from Algeria’s first web radio Radio Voix de Femmes, introduce me to their daily work. Active since 1995, Radio Voix de Femmes is based at the Maison de la Presse, a symbolic place of the journalists’ resistance during the Algerian civil war,  or the “Decénnie Noire” (black decade). Zouine and Rahem record in the Maison de la Presse’s studio and  broadcast their work on YouTube. The name of the project signifies the intent: to take as much space as possible to report on the stories of women in Algeria.

The meeting with Medjeda and Nadjoua is only the first in what would be a month of research in Algiers, listening to the voices that populate the airwaves and web spaces. I am a guest in the house that once belonged to Mohamed Khadda (1930–1991), painter and militant of the independence movement, a space that is being transformed into a cultural center and residence by the Rhizome gallery. The walls are lined still with some of the Khadda’s old posters promoting conferences and exhibitions such as the Day for the Preservation of Orality and the International Symposium on African Orality.

One of the posters in Mohamed Khadda’s house, promoting a festival for the safeguarding of orality. Used with permission.

These posters take me back to Ici la voix de l’Algérie, Frantz Fanon’s text on the decisive role for the revolution of a particular form of orality, that of radio. During the years of colonization, Radio-Alger was a platform where “the French speak to the French.” The Algerian population, in their rejection of and disinterest in the voice of the colonizer, did not own any radio equipment until 1955–56.

Then, in 1956, the turning point: on December 16, with the announcement “Here is the Radio of Free and Fighting Algeria,” the clandestine radio inaugurated its broadcasting to the Algerian people. In less than 20 days all the devices sold out. Now one could finally hear “The Voice of free and fighting Algeria.” Broadcast from an unspecified place, it encountered the complicity of Egypt, Syria, and a network of Arab countries that relied on radio frequencies, avoiding sabotage of the airwaves by the colonial power.

Discontinuous and often interrupted, the radio liberated new languages, beginning to finally make the idea of an independent nation possible and true.

From waves to podcast

Today, the Algerian government’s regulations on  broadcasting both on the airwaves and on the web are demanding. Authorizations are so difficult to obtain that the number of private radio stations can be counted on one hand and, people commonly speak of radio as a state monopoly.

Yet new radio productions are born every week, circumventing government hurdles through podcasting and social media platforms. All it takes is a smartphone  to record, and from that anyone can launch a new series on Instagram, YouTube, Soundcloud or Spotify.

On Instagram for example, the authors of Radio Voix de Femme, protagonists of the broad, plural and vibrant feminist movement, have recently launched Laha_podcast, a program outside their established radio format. They talk about the projects of Algerian women artists and their successes, but also about the violence or strong discrimination women endure, sanctioned by the Algerian Family Code, which still establishes de facto subordination of women to fathers, brothers or husbands. For example, in cases of divorce or inheritance, women are disadvantaged over their male counterparts.

“Women’s voice is a revolution, as is that of all oppressed people,” Besma Ait, author of the podcast Thawra (revolution), tells me. “Women’s voice is a revolution” (صوت المرأة ثورة – sawt el mar'a thawra) is a slogan from the Egyptian feminist movement that was shouted in the streets during the Arab Spring. It is a play on words, by changing a single letter in an old saying from the Muslim canonical oral tradition: “the voice of women brings shame” (صوت المرأة عورة – sawt el mar'a ‘awra).

The Thawra podcast debuted in February 2024, driven by the need for feminist activists’ stories to be heard. The stories unfold through long conversations, removing the factors of time and urgency.

Its initiator, Besma, is part of a new generation of feminists trying to create continuity between struggles and maintain a dialogue between women who have experienced very different events: from the traumatic violence of Islamic terrorism, to the worsening changes in the Family Code, to the feminist fringe that marched every Friday for a little over a year during Hirak, the 2019 movement of democratic demands, which, after securing the resignation of President Abdelaziz Bouteflika, was abruptly hit by arrests and violence until it was interrupted by the government in March 2020 with the advent of the pandemic.

Besma conveys to me the importance of this genealogy of struggles, which comes first and foremost from the women in her family. Her grandmother was a mujaheddine (a term the FLN used for its warriors, meaning “those who struggle for the sake of a sacred cause”), part of the National Liberation Front (FLN) operating in France. “The story of exile is intertwined with that of the first anti-colonial struggle exported to enemy soil,” she adds.

I follow her as she weaves the biography of her grandmother, who escaped from the Petite Roquette women’s prison in Paris, into the collection of stories recounted in the podcast episodes. The first episode tells the story of Fadila Boumendjel Chitour, an endocrinologist, human rights activist, and co-founder of Réseau Wassila, an important support network for women who suffer violence, based in Algiers.

Madame Chitour comes to feminist consciousness through the practice of social medicine, treating the visible and invisible effects of violence and torture. Saadia Gacem, another interviewee, is also part of the Réseau Wassila, but is particularly involved in research on the Family Code and the treatment women receive in Algerian courts. Finally, Saadia carries out a valuable collective work, Archives des luttes des femmes en Algerie, because the history of such a powerful movement is still unwritten. Thawra itself fits into this same groove,  as an artform that could be described as oral history.

‘Sound is the future of struggles’ 

Besma waves me off to join the feminist creation program, organized by the Journal Féministe Algérien, which founder Amel Hadjadj and trainer Khadidja Markemal will tell me about a few days later.

Khadidja is a refined and sharp sound artist, and in her works she manages to vividly render the sound images of a street or a neighborhood. At the end of our meeting, she hands me, on a USB stick, Sisters with Transistors, a film about women pioneers of sound experimentation and electronic music. Some, like Daphne Oram or Delia Derbyshire, made radio history.

Screenshot from the film “Sisters with transistors.” Fair use.

One of the recurring points in our conversations is the lack of women technical figures in the audiovisual world who can independently fabricate their own narrative. In response to this gap, the Journal Féministe Algérien‘s feminist content creation training program began in 2020, aimed at activists from various Algerian realities, groups, and collectives.

In the newspaper’s headquarters, a large flat overlooking the bay of Algiers, Amel Hadjadj shows me a room that can be transformed, if necessary, into a recording studio, soundproofed by mattresses. Stored inside a cupboard, all the material is available not only to the editorial staff, but to members of the public who need it for their projects.

“Sound is the future of struggles,” says Amel, as we talk. She finds in the discreetness of the recorder the perfect conditions to capture the words of women, often hesitant in the presence of a camera. Sound, whilst maintaining the subjectivity of each voice, protects those at risk, such as LGBTQ+ people, from recognition.

“In addition,” she continues, “the podcast is a form that allows women, for whom sitting in front of a screen is a luxury few can afford, to continue to inform themselves and listen to other women as they run between their housework and caring jobs.”

At the end of this edition, the podcasts will be co-signed and will “belong” to all participating feminist realities, for example, the very young group Algerian Feminists. Initially an Instagram page created by Ouarda Souidi in 2019, it later became a full-fledged collective. Algerian Feminists want to contribute as part of the new generation to feminist struggles, reacting to the invisibility of women in society and the feminist movement’s initiatives. They publish monthly bulletins about actions in the country, speaking to as many women as possible through the creation of content mainly in Algerian Darija.

They recently published their first podcast dedicated to menstruation, which is a social taboo in Algeria. The episode contains ten testimonies that hold together a polyphonic account of the turning point of menstruation in a girl’s life, a threshold crossed often without any preparation.

The blood on the thighs, the first explanation from the mother or the first attempt to wear a tampon, micro-memories followed by an awareness: menarche is a rite of passage. For some it is a ticket to the circle of women in the family gathered in the courtyard, to their confidences, to the possibility of shaving together, but for others it can also mark the beginning of dress injunctions, the change of looks, and new social norms. One of the voices reveals: “My mother told me to keep it a secret from my father, otherwise he wouldn’t let me play with my cousins anymore.”

Listening to the real otherwise

Ouardia accurately translates these words to me through a series of voice messages and then adds: “Have you listened to Femmes sérieuses, travailleuses, non fumeuses yet?”

This is a sound documentary by Sonia Ahnou, an artist and filmmaker currently living in France. The documentary is an immersion in the life of a young woman who decides to live alone in Algiers. The title ironically takes up a recurrent formula in real estate advertisements.

“What will the neighbors think of me, of the girl who lives alone on the third floor? I went to ask them with microphone in hand.” This is how the story begins, bristling with many other experiences that portray the difficulty of achieving one’s independence even in the capital.

If oppression is systemic, it quickly becomes a business. The interviewees denounce the constant refusals to rent, or the abusive restrictions imposed, and even the rising rents for single women. “That’s also how you do segregation,” concludes one of them, in a firm voice.

Sonia has also passed through a strong network of militant realities that constitute the richness of the Algerian art scene. A key node is Habiba Djahanine, feminist filmmaker and poet, co-founder of the Cinéma-Mémoire collective. Since 2007, first in Bejaia and then in Timimoun in the Algerian desert, the collective has been accompanying young people for a year of training in documentary filmmaking.

All the people I met have a story that links them to Habiba and the ateliers, often an important turning point in their journey.

At the end of my residency, I invited Habiba, who was passing through Algiers,  to share some of the sound creations from their rich archive. We are currently planning a collective listening session with a small circle of women with a sound project or who are building one.

What are feminisms if not a series of practices to break the silence, to listen to the self and the other?

So, at the beginning of the afternoon, sitting on the carpet of Mon Autre École (my other school), an important place for training and artistic creation, we immerse ourselves in listening to “Mon peuple, les femmes” (My people, the women). The author, Sara, stitches together fragments of intimate conversations between feminists — “Why are you a feminist? I don’t see why I shouldn’t be!” — or of a mother discussing with her daughter the choice to live alone, and, again, testimonies of actions against femicide, and support for those who have suffered violence.

To free the world, anonymity is necessary. It is necessary to dare to tell of radical choices, such as the choice to no longer enter into any intimate relationships with men.

In 2021, the Cinéma-mémoire line-up abandoned the visual element to devote itself entirely to the soundscape.

We listen to the works, which, with a great variety of themes and artistic choices, take us to the oasis of Timimoun. Those by Assia Khemici and Lila Bouchenaf let us cross the threshold of women's spaces, the liminal zones between inside and outside, between domestic and collective space. Without a trace of exoticism or voyeurism, no frame separates us from the landscape, we are inside with them.

In all the creations I have heard so far, the power of these voices and sounds resonates to question the hegemonic narratives of a purely ocular world, which leaves out anything that cannot be captured visually. Then the microphone becomes the possibility of breaking this imposed order, of contributing to a polyphonic rewriting, becoming again the subject of one’s own history. As Habiba tells us, after all, everything we do is a continuous attempt to transform the real in order to be able to look or listen to it otherwise.

Written by UntoldMag

Originally published on Global Voices

Medical convoy in Khemisset region in northern Morocco. Source: sada.lmaghrib Facebook page, used with permission.

By Khalid Bencherif

While playing in her village in southeastern Morocco, little Idia suffered a fall. Her family rushed her to the nearest hospital, only to find it lacked a crucial medical scanner. Desperate, they took her 100 kilometers away for scans, but the diagnosis was inaccurate. They then embarked on a 330-kilometer journey to Fez, where Idia passed away. 

This tragic incident is one of many that are caused by the severe healthcare disparities in Morocco.

The rural areas in the country face significant healthcare challenges. Over half the doctors are concentrated in urban areas, leaving vast rural regions underserved. Nearly half the population must travel over 10 kilometers for healthcare, often hindered by rugged terrain, scarce transportation, and economic hardship. Morocco also suffers from a shortage of doctors, with only 7.8 per 10,000 people in 2018, far below the WHO's recommended 23.

‘Shortage of medical personnel in Morocco.’ Illustration by Khalid Bencherif, used with permission.

To bridge this gap, Morocco has embraced mobile medicine and telemedicine which makes use of new communication technologies to provide healthcare for people at a distance. 

Such mobile medical units and telemedicine platforms bring healthcare services to remote villages, reducing the need for long journeys and ensuring access to specialized care. The COVID-19 pandemic further emphasized the importance of telemedicine, making it a vital tool for delivering healthcare to isolated communities.

Mobile healthcare in Morocco takes several forms, including medical convoys organized by civil society groups, government-backed mobile units, and telemedicine stations that connect remote patients with specialists via video. 

Telemedicine units are already operating in places like Chefchaouen in Morocco’s northwestern Rif Mountains, with 19 civilian campaigns and over 900 mobile medical visits in 2023 alone according to Jawad Dib, an official health services provider. 

Since its pilot in 2015, Morocco’s telemedicine program has expanded to reach 40 rural communities and is expected to serve 120 by 2025.

Health relief

During my field visit to Bab Berd in Chefchaouen, I met several residents who had benefited from one of the mobile medical campaigns. Among them was 63-year-old Mohammed, who suffered from multiple health issues, including high blood pressure and stomach pain. 

“I couldn’t afford to travel to the city for treatment because of the cost and distance,” he explains, “but when the medical campaign came to our village, I was able to receive the necessary tests and treatment at no cost. Now, thank god, I feel much better, and this has brought immense relief to my poor family.”

I also encountered Maryam, a young girl who had been struggling with a persistent dental problem. With no dentist in the area, Maryam had endured months of pain. When the mobile medical team arrived, they were able to treat her condition and finally bring her relief.

“Maryam was in so much pain at night, and we didn’t know what to do,” her mother recalls. “The medical campaign came at just the right time, and we are deeply grateful to the doctors who helped her.”

More needed

My journey then took me to the town of Rich, in southeastern Morocco, a region that has long suffered from neglect. In early September, a medical campaign was organized for the local residents and surrounding villages, hosted by the town’s poorly equipped hospital.

Several villagers shared their positive experiences, including Fatima, a woman in her fifties who explained the significant impact the campaign had on her community: “It helped us enormously, but we still need a permanent, fully equipped hospital here in town,” she said. 

Fatima emphasized how the campaign had been a lifeline for many people who previously had no access to healthcare. “These convoys sometimes only come once a year, and we need far more than that,” she added.

Medicine for the poor

Actually, mobile medicine — whether through mobile medical units or telemedicine — has proven not only effective in improving healthcare but also as a tool for promoting rural development. 

When villagers have reliable access to healthcare, they are better able to participate in economic and educational activities, which enhances their quality of life and helps them break the cycle of poverty.

Moreover, mobile medicine provides a valuable opportunity to reduce the healthcare gap between rural and urban areas and promote health equity. 

Tayeb Hamdi, a Moroccan doctor and researcher in health policies and systems, explains, “Telemedicine units are vital when specialized doctors are not on-site. Thanks to digital diagnostic tools and advanced communication technology, medical services can now be provided remotely. This helps ensure equal access to treatment and contributes to the democratization of healthcare.” 

He further points out, “We often assume telemedicine is for wealthy countries, but in reality, it serves poorer nations even more. It’s like the transition from landline telephones to mobile phones — if we had remained reliant on landlines, the poor would not have been able to afford them.”

Tayeb is optimistic about the potential of telemedicine. “The future of medicine lies outside of hospitals, not inside,” he explains. “Even in cities, it’s becoming possible to receive treatment at home, especially for conditions that don’t require hospitalization.” He stresses the need for the private sector to be involved, for investment in this area, and for changes to legislation to ensure quality and promote health coverage linked to telemedicine.

Map of areas benefiting from civil medical campaigns in the first half of 2024. Data collected and map designed by Khalid Bencherif, and used with permission.

Real challenges

While mobile medicine offers significant benefits in rural Morocco, it faces several challenges. From a logistical perspective, one major challenge is the rugged terrain, which makes accessing some remote areas extremely difficult. “The rough landscape and isolation of certain regions are major obstacles to providing healthcare services,” says Habib Kroum, representative of the Moroccan Nursing Association. 

He also highlights the shortage of human, logistical, and financial resources, which further complicates efforts to meet the healthcare needs of these populations.

Jawad Dib, an official health services coordinator, notes that some individuals or groups run campaigns without properly coordinating with local health authorities, leading to duplicated efforts or services that don’t match the community’s actual needs. “Some exploit these campaigns for profit, which is unacceptable in this field,” Dib says.

Researchers also warn of potential risks. Telemedicine could be misused as a cost-cutting tool by some countries, particularly in rural areas, where healthcare budgets are already stretched. 

Experts insist that telemedicine should not become a substitute for proper in-person healthcare; instead, it should be used to complement existing services, ensuring clinicians can provide the best care for their patients.

This was visible during my field visits, where people criticized medical campaigns as being, in some cases, merely an attempt to compensate for the lack of well-equipped hospitals in rural areas. Many residents expressed their desire for permanent hospitals with reliable medical staff. 

The European Journalism Centre‘s Solutions Journalism Accelerator programme funded this research project and article with support from the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation.

Written by Guest Contributor

Originally published on Global Voices

Senegalese journalists participate in virtual reality training at the 2016 Gamecamp Summer in Dakar; photo by Kofi Sika Latzoo, used with permission.

As a highly innovative sector that generates new jobs, the creative economy encompasses several fields today, including music, art, cinema, and video games. The latter alone generates billions of US dollars within the African market.

According to the report Africa Gaming Market Size (2024–2029) by Mordor Intelligence, a consultancy and market research firm, the video game market in Africa is estimated to be worth over USD 2.14 billion in 2024. This figure could reach USD 3.72 billion by 2029.

Video games have strong appeal among African youth — of the continent’s 1.6 billion inhabitants, over 400 million are between the ages of 15 and 35. Gaming is not merely a pastime; it can also be a real profession, known as esports, which includes its own rules, tournaments, prize money, and international competitions, like the Olympics Esports Games set to be held in Saudi Arabia in 2025. To explore the significance of this industry, Global Voices spoke with Kofi Sika Latzoo, a Togolese expert based in Senegal.

Kofi Sika Latzoo; photo used with permission

Kofi is certified in creative industries entrepreneurship by the British Council, holds credentials in Social Impact Gamification, and has received an award from Microsoft for innovative educational expertise. A pioneer in Africa’s creative industries and art digitisation, he founded Gamecampcities Agency in 2012, an agency promoting video games and esports. He has been teaching esports management for seven years at Kedge Business School, on the Bordeaux and Paris campuses, and at Bem Africa in Dakar and Abidjan.

Jean Sovon (JS): Which African countries are leading in added value within the video game industry?

Kofi Sika Latzoo (KSL): En premier lieu, l'Afrique du Sud, qui est l'un des premiers pays africains à ériger des studios de développement de jeux vidéo: Free Live, l'un des plus anciens studios de développement de jeux vidéo sur le continent. C'est aussi l'un des rares pays à développer une fédération e-sport et le premier à faire partie des grandes instances de gouvernance de l'e-sport mondial. D’autres pays comme la Tunisie, l'Égypte, le Maroc, le Zimbabwe, le Ghana, et le Sénégal, qui est l'un des rares marchés francophones sont très dynamiques. Le Sénégal est aussi l'un des rares pays à avoir un cadre légal depuis 2020 pour la structuration de l'e-sport: le jeu vidéo compétitif et le développement de jeu vidéo. Le Togo aussi est en train de se structurer avec une fédération fraîchement naissante. De nombreux pays africains vont participer aux Jeux Olympiques e-sport en Arabie Saoudite: le Sénégal, le Maroc, le Togo, l'Égypte, la Tunisie, l'Afrique du Sud, la Zambie, le Zimbabwe, la Côte d'Ivoire, le Cap Vert, l’île Maurice, et le Kenya.

Kofi Sika Latzoo (KSL): Firstly, South Africa leads the way, being among the first African nations to have set up video game development studios, including Free Live, one of the oldest studios on the continent. It is also one of the few countries to establish an esports federation and the first to be part of major global esports governance bodies. Other countries, including Tunisia, Egypt, Morocco, Zimbabwe, Ghana, and Senegal — one of the rare French-speaking markets — are highly dynamic as well. Senegal is also one of the few countries to have a legal framework since 2020 for structuring esports, including competitive gaming and video game development. Togo, too, is organising itself with a newly established federation. Numerous African countries will participate in the Olympics Esports Games in Saudi Arabia, including Senegal, Morocco, Togo, Egypt, Tunisia, South Africa, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Côte d'Ivoire, Cape Verde, Mauritius and Kenya.

JS: Do players actually benefit financially, or are they just consumers?

KSL : Il y a trois niveaux: amateurs, semi-professionnels et les professionnels et il faut être au second niveau pour bénéficier des retombées financières. Les amateurs se font connaître des différents tournois dans leurs pays. Ils passent ensuite à la seconde étape et deviennent des joueurs semi-professionnels. Ils commencent par avoir des jeux de prédilection. Il faut savoir qu'il y a 15 disciplines d'e-sport. A partir de ce moment-là, ils cherchent une marque qui va les sponsoriser et leur permettre de grandir. De là, ils peuvent voyager pour aller à des compétitions régionales ou à l'international.

En Afrique, plus de 90% des joueurs sont semi-pro. C'est très rare de voir un joueur pro, car cela veut dire que déjà vous n'avez pas un seul sponsor, mais plusieurs sponsors et vous êtes sous contrat. Tout autour de vous est contrôlé et vous faites des rapports réguliers à vos sponsors. Il n’existe que moins de 20 équipes professionnelles dans le monde, et 80% d'entre-elles qui arrivent à atteindre des évaluations de 10 à 30 millions de dollars [américains] , sont aux États-Unis. Il y en a une seule en Espagne, en France, en Angleterre et quelques-unes au Brésil.

Sur le continent, la majorité des équipes professionnelles et semi-professionnelles se trouve en Afrique du Sud avec des équipes comme Goliath Gaming. Il y en a aussi au Maroc, en Tunisie. On commence à avoir des équipes en Zambie avec la Team Gematrix qui arrive à avoir des tournois même jusqu'à Las Vegas. Il y a également une très bonne équipe au Sénégal, XamXamLions que j'ai créée moi-même en 2016 qui a déjà à son actif deux qualifications olympiques avec des joueurs sur contrat.

KSL: There are three levels — amateurs, semi-professionals, and professionals — and you need to be at the second level to benefit financially. Amateurs gain recognition through various tournaments in their countries. They then move on to the next stage and become semi-professional players, when often they start to specialise in their favourite games. Keep in mind that there are 15 esports disciplines, so at this stage, players seek out a sponsor to help them grow, enabling them to travel for regional or international competitions.

In Africa, over 90 percent of players are semi-professional. It’s very rare to see a professional player, as this requires not just one but multiple sponsors, as well as being under contract. Everything around you is closely managed, and you regularly report to your sponsors. There are fewer than 20 professional teams worldwide, and 80 percent of those valued between USD 10 and 30 million are based in the United States. There is only one team in Spain, in France, and in England, and a few in Brazil.

On the continent, most professional and semi-professional teams are based in South Africa, with teams like Goliath Gaming. There are also teams in Morocco and Tunisia. Zambia is starting to see growth as well, with Team Gematrix participating in tournaments as far as Las Vegas. Senegal also boasts a strong team, XamXamLions, which I founded in 2016 and which has already achieved two Olympic qualifications with contracted players.

JS: What is the contribution of the video game economy to the development of the African continent?

KSL : Le jeu vidéo est un marché de 800 milliards de dollars [américains] d'offres en Afrique. Mais pour avoir une vision globale de l'approche, le jeu vidéo, en termes d'industrie mondiale, c'est 300 milliards de dollars américains annuels de marché. Et l'e-sport, c'est un milliard de dollars de marché.

L'engouement pour la discipline est en train de se généraliser au niveau global et l'Afrique ne doit pas être en reste pour la simple raison que l'Afrique détient la plus jeune population. C'est le continent qui a la capacité de tout consommer et de tout créer. Les pays en tête sont l'Afrique du Sud et le Maroc. Au Maroc, l'opérateur Télécom Invi crée depuis 2012 des hackathons pour détecter des talents de développeurs de jeux ; embauche ces talents pour créer des jeux vidéo mobiles qui vont être lancés pendant la période du Ramadan. Invi détient déjà trois ligues e-sport au Maroc: une ligue professionnelle, une ligue universitaire et une ligue pour enfants. Il y a là une stratégie qui a été pensée et des investissements.

KSL: The video game market offers a USD 1.3 billion opportunity in Africa. For a broader perspective, the global video game industry is a USD 300-billion annual market, while esports alone represents a one-billion-dollar market.

The enthusiasm for this discipline is spreading globally, and Africa must keep pace, especially as it has the world’s youngest population. It’s a continent with the potential to consume and create on a large scale. Leading the way are South Africa and Morocco.

In Morocco, the telecom operator has been organising hackathons since 2012 to scout talented game developers and hiring them to create mobile video games that are released during Ramadan. Inwi already hosts three esports leagues in Morocco: a professional league, a university league, and a children’s league. This reflects a well-thought-out strategy and substantial investment.

JS: What is the relationship between sports and e-sports? And where does Togo, your home country, stand in this field?

KSL : Pas mal de figures sportives ont un intérêt pour la discipline et s'impliquent. Un très bon exemple est le cas de David Beckham, qui est propriétaire d'un club e-sport qui s'appelle Guild, alors qu'il détient aussi un club de football à Miami, où joue Lionel Messi.

Je pense qu'il y a une forte relation entre le sport et l’e-sport. On a même tendance à voir les deux fusionner, comme l'événement qu'on appelle les Jeux du Futur ou Games of Futures, qui est l'événement phygital qui implique des disciplines digitales comme des disciplines sportives et physiques. Le Bénin était présent à ces jeux du futur avec son équipe de basketball, et celle d’e-basketball ( le basketball en mode jeu vidéo).

Parlant du Togo, c’est une nation qui a un potentiel avéré, disposant plus de 32 salles de jeu dans la capitale Lomé, et une première participation à des championnats du monde organisés par Alibaba en 2016 sur les disciplines Hearthstone ( jeu de cartes en ligne). Le pays a aussi obtenu la médaille d'or aux derniers Jeux africains qui ont inclus de l'e-sport au Ghana. De plus, le président de l'association e-sport France est un franco-togolais.  Je suis moi-même, Togolais basé au Sénégal, professeur d'e-sport certifié avec plus de 100 événements produits dans le domaine du jeu vidéo et du jeu vidéo compétitif en Afrique. Le président de la fédération du Togo est un ancien formé par l'agence Gamecampcities. Nous avons donc tous les ingrédients possibles pour avoir une nation e-sport forte. Le Togo est aussi membre de la confédération africaine d’esports (CASE) dont le siège est basé au Sénégal. La CASE compte aujourd’hui 30 pays et a comme partenaire le géant informatique HP.

KSL: Quite a few sports figures are showing interest in the discipline and getting involved. A prime example is David Beckham, who owns an esports club called Guild, while also owning a football club in Miami, where Lionel Messi plays.

I think there is a close relationship between traditional sports and esports. We’re even beginning to see a fusion of the two, as with the event known as the Games of the Future, a phygital event blending digital disciplines with physical and athletic sports. Benin was represented at these Games of the Future with both its basketball team and its ebasketball team (basketball in video game form).

Speaking of Togo, it is a nation with proven potential. the capital, Lomé, counts over 32 gaming centres, and the country made its debut at the World Championships organised by Alibaba in 2016 in the Hearthstone (online card game) discipline. The country also won the gold medal at the last African Games, which included esports, held in Ghana. Additionally, the president of France's esports association is Franco-Togolese. I am myself Togolese, based in Senegal, a certified esports instructor, and I have produced over 100 events in video gaming and competitive gaming across Africa. The president of Togo’s federation is a former trainee of the Gamecampcities agency. We have all the necessary elements to build a strong esports nation. Togo is also a member of the African Esports Confederation (CASE), whose headquarters are in Senegal. CASE now includes 30 countries and has the tech giant HP as a partner.

Written by Jean Sovon Translated by Jean-Christophe Brunet · View original post [fr]

Originally published on Global Voices

Morocco clash with Angola in a Group A game of the 2013 CAN on January 19th.  Image by Magharebia, from Wikimedia Commons (CC BY 2.0 DEED).

The Confederation of African Football (CAF) announced its decision on the controversial match between Libya and Nigeria on Saturday, October 26th. As reported by ESPN Africa, the match was declared lost by forfeit by Libya (by a score of 3–0), with the Libyan Football Federation (LFF) ordered to pay a fine of USD 50,000 within 60 days of notification of the decision:

CAF has announced a $50,000 fine for Libya and awarded Nigeria a 3-0 victory along with three points after the Super Eagles were stranded at a Libyan airport for over 12 hours without food or drink before an AFCON qualifier earlier this month. pic.twitter.com/KJCwGN8tmL

— ESPN Africa (@ESPNAfrica) October 26, 2024

The aforementioned match was a Group D qualifying match in the Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON). The game never took place after Nigeria's plane was diverted and stranded on an airport runway for 16 hours, leading to accusations of sabotage and foul play.

Backstory

On October 15, 2024, the Nigerian team (nicknamed the Super Eagles) was en route to Libya for the second leg of the AFCON qualifiers. They were scheduled to land in Benghazi but were redirected mid-flight to Bayda, approximately 250 kilometers (135 miles) from their intended destination.

The Tunisian pilot who flew the Super Eagles to Libya explained in a video posted on X that the Libyan authorities ordered a last-minute diversion of the flight to Al-Abraq airport instead of the planned destination, Benghazi.

While there, the Nigeria Football Federation reported that the Nigeria teams were stranded at the remote Al-Abraq airport on the outskirts of Benghazi, where they had no access to food or water and had no contact with the Libyan officials for over 16 hours. The Nigerian team proceeded to boycott the match, citing safety concerns, and they flew back to Nigeria instead of continuing with the game.

Among the Super Eagles team representing Nigeria in Libya were Ademola Lookman, who scored a hat trick for Atalanta in the Europa League final last season and who was on the 2024 Ballon d'Or shortlist, and Leicester City midfielder Wilfred Ndidi. 

In response to this incident, LFF said their actions were not deliberate but alleged that the Libyan national team had suffered the same fate four days earlier at a match in Uyo, Nigeria. They claimed Nigerian authorities had left them stranded at the Port Harcourt Airport. Nigeria won the match on October 11.

Libya has also threatened Nigeria with legal action for withdrawing from the match.

A day after this botched encounter, CAF delisted the game from its calendar and announced its cancellation hours before kick-off. The matter was referred to the disciplinary committee for consideration. The CAF probe found Libya guilty of breaching competition rules, which mandate visiting teams to be rightly received by their host association.

In its ruling on October 26th, signed by chairman Ousmane Kane, the disciplinary board determined that the Libyan Football Federation (LFF) was in breach of Article 31 of the Africa Cup of Nations Regulations and Articles 82 and 151 of the CAF Disciplinary Code. This led to CAF awarding Nigeria the match with a 3–0 score and fining Libya USD 50,000.

Following the verdict, Troost-Ekong, captain of the Nigerian team, praised the CAF's choice in a post on X (formerly Twitter).

JUSTICE: CAF awards three points and three goals to Nigeria. Libya fined $50,000.

Plane was diverted 300km from scheduled airport even when the pilot told them he was low on fuel.

One step closer to our target AFCON 2025

— William Troost-Ekong (M.O.N) (@WTroostEkong) October 26, 2024

As a result of this decision, the Super Eagles have tallied 10 points from four matches, four points ahead of the second-placed Benin Republic, while Rwanda has five points. Libya has only one point and is out of the running for qualification.

AFCON and its importance to Africans

The Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON), hosted by the Confederation of African Football (CAF), is Africa’s biggest football festival, captivating millions across the continent and beyond. With up to USD 7 million in prize money and a staggering global viewership of up to 2 billion in the 2023 tournament, AFCON has become one of the most anticipated sporting events in Africa.

AFCON Trophy. Image by Franco237 from Wikimedia Commons (CC BY-SA 4.0 Deed)

Held every two years, AFCON brings together fans from all corners of Africa, celebrating the continent’s top football talents on an international stage. Since it was first held in 1957, the tournament has become a symbol of African unity and competitiveness, drawing both seasoned football lovers and casual fans alike.

However, in recent years, TotalEnergies, the headline sponsor of the AFCON tournament, has faced criticism for using sportwashing tactics to obscure its exploitation of African resources and contributing to climate challenges on the continent. These controversies have unfolded alongside growing discussions around unethical host practices during AFCON events. 

Hostile host tactics in African football

According to CAF President Patrice Motsepe, speaking at the 46th Ordinary Assembly in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, several visiting teams have been subjected to inhumane treatment. For example, during the 2021 AFCON qualifiers, Benin refused to play a decisive African Cup of Nations qualifying game in Sierra Leone after disputing that five of its players had tested positive for COVID-19 just before kickoff.

“Apparently, during COVID, they would look at who the best players are from your team and say those 10 players have COVID-19. You tell them that you have just been tested, and they say no, you have COVID,” Motsepe explained on his YouTube channel.

He urged nations on the continent to treat visiting teams with respect and dignity. 

“So, I just want to repeat, we are proud of those nations that treat visiting teams and football clubs with the respect and dignity that they deserve,” he added.

As reported by the New Telegraph website, other unethical practices that visiting teams have faced include substandard accommodation and facilities, travel logistics issues, intimidation from fans, poor pitch conditions, refereeing bias, deliberate delays during matches, schedule manipulation, psychological warfare, and security negligence.

Rev Matthew S.J in this article writes about the implication of football sabotage for the CAF and the Nigeria Football Federation (NFF).

It remains to be seen whether CAF will tighten its rules and regulations moving forward to deter bad treatment of visiting teams and maintain the sportsmanship of the competition on the continent.

Written by Adesewa Olofinko

Originally published on Global Voices

Photo from the Facebook page of Al Abireen Foundation for Migrant Assistance and Humanitarian Services – مؤسسة العابرين لمساعدة المهاجرين والخدمات الإنسانية. Used with permission.

A boat carrying 13 Egyptian migrants capsized on October 28, 2024, shortly after leaving Kambut, a village 60 kilometers east of Tobruk in eastern Libya which is commonly used as a departure point for migrants attempting to reach Europe. Of the 13 passengers, only one survived.

Three bodies have been recovered in the days following the incident: one on October 29th, another on November 3rd, and the third on November 7th. The latest recovered victim’s remains were heavily decomposed, and the body was taken to a morgue for further examination.

Egypt remains a significant source of Mediterranean migration flows, with over 11,000 Egyptians recorded arriving in Italy via Libya by sea in 2023 alone. Worsening economic conditions and limited legal pathways drive many Egyptians to make these dangerous journeys, risking their lives in the process.

On November 5th, the EU announced a EUR 20 million aid package through the European Peace Facility to help Egypt’s Armed Forces enhance national security and protect civilians in the “Western territories” — the very region where Egyptian migrants cross into Libya before attempting the Mediterranean journey.

Earlier this year, the European Union allocated a EUR 7.4 billion aid package to Egypt, with EUR 200 million specifically designated for migration management. Incidents like this one raise questions about the effective use of these funds to address root causes and migrant safety.

Community efforts in Libya

The central Mediterranean, particularly the route by way of North Africa, continues to be the deadliest migration route globally, with 61 percent of all migrant deaths in 2023 occurring in the region. For countless migrants taking this route, the risks are intensified by inconsistent and inadequate Search and Rescue (SAR) operations. According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the International Office of Migration (IOM), the lack of coordinated SAR response along this route puts those at sea in grave danger. Local community-driven organizations such as the Al Abireen Foundation in Tobruk, working alongside the Libyan Red Crescent, are often left to manage recovery efforts with limited resources and minimal international support.

In an interview with Global Voices, a representative from the Al Abireen Foundation, who preferred to remain anonymous, explained the severe restrictions they face in their work: “There is no presence of any major NGOs like the UN or IOM here. We’re left to manage as best we can with limited resources. Only the Red Crescent has been of any significant help, coordinating with us directly on the ground.”

The foundation also faces strict information controls, especially regarding the survivors. “The survivor was taken to Benghazi by the corresponding military officer, but I'm not allowed to publish his name or a picture of him, even though I have a video of him explaining the incident and details regarding the other victims that were on board with him on the boat.” 

The representative explained that in such cases, there is typically a limitation enforced by military personnel oversight, which raises broader concerns about the handling and treatment of migrants intercepted or rescued in the Mediterranean.

#Tobruk_Ain al-Ghazala
The fourth body has been recovered out of 13 migrants who drowned a week ago.

The boat was carrying 25 migrants, most of them of Syrian nationality.
There are 12 survivors, but we have not been able to obtain their names or meet with them to identify the names of the migrants who were with them and drowned.

#Journeys that end with an unknown body, with the smuggler profiting, and many families unaware of the fate of their children. May God help us.

God is sufficient for us, and He is the best disposer of affairs

Given Kambut's proximity to Italian waters, the Al Abireen Foundation sometimes collaborates with the Italian Coast Guard. “Our foundation is occasionally contacted by the Italian Coast Guard, but they do not provide any assistance; it is primarily a routine communication.”

Egypt normalizing migrant deaths

In Egypt, migrant deaths have become so routine that state-aligned media rarely report them. When such incidents are covered, the discourse is often focused on portraying migration as a criminal activity and victims as criminals. This essentially reinforces an extremely desensitized narrative of illegality over humanity and neglects the desperate socioeconomic and political circumstances that drive people to put their lives on the line.

On one of Egypt’s most-watched TV shows, host Ahmed Moussa exemplifies the dismissive rhetoric often seen in Egyptian media on migration issues. In a segment addressing a similar tragedy in which 11 Egyptians lost their lives on the same route, Moussa criticized both migrants and their families, asking, “How could the families allow their sons to leave in this way?”

Moussa mocks the motives of those desperate for a better livelihood abroad and insists that ample opportunities exist in Egypt: “There are plenty of job opportunities in Egypt — more than ever in our history. There's work everywhere.”

In reality, Egypt is facing a severe economic crisis, with the Egyptian pound losing over 35 percent of its value amid surging inflation. According to the Central Agency for Public Mobilization and Statistics, the Consumer Price Index in Egypt has been constantly increasing and reaching all-time highs, reflecting an economic reality of hardship contrary to Moussa’s claims. 

Because they are migrating illegally, migrants are rarely able to speak openly about their reasons for leaving or the process of crossing over to Europe. One such opportunity came in 2022 after 287 Egyptian migrants were arrested en masse in Tobruk, Libya and interviewed.

One of the migrants, Ziad, 12, explained his reason for leaving: “Like anyone else here, I just wanted to have a better life. I was planning to go work in Italy.” Another teenager shared the grueling process they endured in trying to cross into Europe: walking 50 kilometers across the border and being transferred while they were blindfolded from car to car by smugglers until reaching a warehouse where nearly 300 people were held. “We’ve been here for six months,” he added. Most migrants pay smugglers anywhere from EGP 20,000 (USD 400) to EGP 170,000 (USD 3,500) to make the journey.

Another migrant, Khaled, a man in his thirties who had recently undergone open-heart surgery, echoed why many are willing to undertake the cost: “What else should I do? There aren’t any decent-paying jobs.”

The lack of reporting on such incidents gives the impression that the media is collectively avoiding nuanced conversations on the issue and opting to turn a blind eye instead. This has fostered public detachment and apathy, allowing these ongoing tragedies to go unchallenged and unaddressed.

Systemic flaws

This tragedy underscores the need for improved SAR operations and better coordination for migrant support. The ad hoc nature of SAR responses and limited humanitarian access for disembarkations in Libya leaves many migrants without adequate protection. According to the same report by UNHCR and IOM, many intercepted migrants are returned to unsafe conditions with no humanitarian oversight, exposing them to significant risks.

This, among many other untold stories and incidents that continue to take place, illustrates the systemic flaws in current migration management policies in the Mediterranean. According to data collected by the Missing Migrants Project, “the nature of any overseas crossing” often means migrants may “disappear without a trace,” particularly in cases of shipwrecks with no survivors. This is illustrated by hundreds of unidentified bodies found on Libya’s shores and numerous unverified reports of fatal shipwrecks.

The IOM and UNHCR Joint Annual Overview reports that “more than 3,105 migrants and refugees are known to have lost their lives or gone missing at sea,” attempting to reach Europe in 2023. However, they clarify that the actual number is likely higher, as many incidents go “unreported or undetected.”

Without enhanced SAR efforts, transparent government funds allocation, and humane treatment for intercepted and rescued migrants, the Mediterranean will continue to be a hotbed of such humanitarian crises for those forced to leave their homes in search of safety or opportunity abroad.

The incident in Kambut is not an isolated tragedy but a devastating reminder of the ongoing Mediterranean migration crisis.

Written by Saher

Originally published on Global Voices

Korosh Ghazimorad, ‘Breathing with Nature,’ 2024. Mixed media on canvas, 120 x 80 cm (47 x 31 in). Photo courtesy of the artist.

In contemporary Iranian art, Korosh Ghazimorad, 55, is a leading artist known for his unique approach to blending traditional calligraphy with modern artistic expressions.

With a degree in wood industry and paper engineering and certifications from Iran’s Calligraphy Association, he has spent decades merging established techniques with innovative forms. 

His work embodies a unique synergy of historical reverence and innovative spirit, as he masterfully blends classical styles with contemporary forms, most notably through the development of the Sarir calligraphy style. As a seasoned educator, he has imparted his knowledge in calligraphy and typography for over 25 years at esteemed institutions, nurturing the next generation of artists.

A commitment to graphic design and art direction marks Ghazimorad’s professional journey. He has played significant roles in various high-circulation newspapers and in curating exhibitions for renowned Iranian artists. His artistic influence extends beyond national borders, with notable works in prestigious public collections, such as the Museum Funf Kontinente in Munich, Germany.

As a board member of the Iranian Graphic Designers’ Association and a jury member for journalism competitions, he has consistently championed originality and artistic design, reinforcing his dedication to elevating visual arts standards in Iran and beyond.

Iranian artist Korosh Ghazimorad working at his studio in Tehran. Photo courtesy of the artist.

In an interview with Global Voices, Ghazimorad shares insights into his artistic philosophy, exploring the themes of cultural identity and the sensory experience of letters in his work. 

He discusses his innovative techniques in utilizing pen and ink, which convey emotions that resonate deeply with viewers. 

Excerpts from the interview follow: 

Omid Memarian (OM): Your work uniquely combines traditional calligraphy with abstract forms. How do you define your artistic style, and what distinguishes it from traditional calligraphic practices?

Korosh Ghazimorad (KG): My style merges traditional calligraphy with modern abstract forms, allowing me to express the essence of classical art through a contemporary lens. Traditional calligraphy serves as my foundation, while abstract and free forms infuse new life into the lines. This approach transcends mere writing, evolving into a sensory and spiritual experience where movement and line embody energy. Here, the line is detached from its original meaning and repurposed as a tool for conveying emotions and more profound concepts. I aim for an expression that challenges the viewer's mind, inviting them to reflect beyond the surface meanings of the lines while preserving the authenticity of calligraphic art.

Korosh Ghazimorad, ‘Silent Words,’ 2020. Acrylic on canvas, 180 x 200 cm (70 x 78 in). Photo courtesy of the artist.

OM: What themes and concepts do you explore in your works, and what do you hope audiences will take away from the experience?

KGH: In my work, I focus on the classical and the sensory elements. The classical section, which includes my Sarir style, features a distinct penmanship and letter inclination that differ from traditional calligraphy. This section emphasizes cultural themes and profound concepts like authenticity, identity, and human values in relation to the past. The sensory section focuses on the energy and sensation of letters and the interplay of positive and negative spaces. Through these abstract forms, I aim to depict the enduring essence of culture. I hope audiences connect with the depth of my content, discover their own interpretations, and reflect on the links between past and present, fostering a personal connection with my work.

Korosh Ghazimorad, ‘Branches of Being,’ 2024. Four pieces, mixed media on canvas, 400 x 150 cm(158 x 59 in). Image courtesy of the artist.

KGH: My innovative method using the colapen nib has garnered varied and largely positive feedback within the Iranian art community and beyond. Artists and critics have embraced this approach, viewing it as a fresh and distinctive avenue in modern calligraphy. Internationally, this approach has been received well, blending traditional elements with abstract forms. Audiences outside Iran experience a different emotional resonance through my work, recognizing a shared cultural language amidst the lines and movements. This enthusiasm indicates that art, particularly calligraphy, can create a bridge between cultures, conveying emotions without the need for translation.

Korosh Ghazimorad, Untitled, 2013, acrylic and gold leaf on canvas, 236 x 183 cm. (92.9 x 72 in.) Image courtesy of artist.

OM: Tehran boasts a rich and dynamic art community. Following your recent exhibition in November, what insights do you wish to share about the current art landscape in Iran?

KG: Tehran's art community possesses a unique dynamism that has evolved despite various constraints, attracting many art enthusiasts with a blend of traditional and modern influences. Observing the works of young artists, I see a vibrant energy; despite challenges, they continue to engage creatively in their artistic pursuits, shining both domestically and internationally. In Tehran, there is a strong inclination towards creating works with social and cultural messages. Young Iranian artists are adopting new tools and techniques while maintaining their connection to cultural roots. This interplay between the past and future creates a distinctive art scene in Iran, enabling its voice to resonate globally.

Korosh Ghazimorad, ‘Tree of Vitality,’ 2021. Ink on cardboard, 21 x 29.5 cm(8 x 11.5 in). Image courtesy of the artist.

OM: Considering the popularity of calligraphy in the Middle East, especially in Arab countries, how has your work been recognized in the region?

KG: Calligraphy holds a special place in Middle Eastern culture, particularly in Arab countries. My work integrates traditional and modern calligraphy and has been well-received regionally. Many enthusiasts view my approach in exhibitions and events across the Middle East as innovative, reflecting the authenticity of calligraphy and a symbol of transformation within the art form. The positive feedback from Arab countries indicates a desire among artists and audiences to experience calligraphy in new ways, using it as a tool for expressing complex emotions. This reception facilitates cultural exchange and artistic dialogue that transcends linguistic barriers, showcasing the shared cultural spirit between Iran and the Arab world.

Korosh Ghazimorad, Whispers of the Woods, 2021. Acrylic on Canvas, 150x 100 cm(59 x 40 in). Image courtesy of the artist.

OM: As a prominent graphic designer in Iran, how has your background in graphic design influenced your calligraphy and artistic expression?

KG: Graphic design has significantly impacted my calligraphy and artistic expression. It has provided me with a structured perspective on organizing visual elements, which is less common in traditional calligraphy. This experience enables me to design my calligraphic works with a focus on composition and the effective use of space, enhancing the message's impact. Graphic design has also familiarized me with concepts like color, contrast, and harmony, which I creatively incorporate into my work. This integration allows me to elevate my art beyond classical forms, facilitating a deeper and more lasting connection with viewers.

Korosh Ghazimorad, The Sound of Infinity, 2020. Nitro cellulosic on cardboard, 70x 100 cm (27.5 x 39.5 in). Image courtesy of the artist.

OM: Your journey in calligraphy spans several decades. How do you envision its future, particularly in relation to contemporary art and technology?

KG: After four decades in calligraphy, I believe the future lies in its increasing integration with contemporary art and technology. Calligraphy, rooted in culture and history, can now leverage new technologies and digital tools, especially artificial intelligence, to create innovative works. This technological integration allows emerging artists to present calligraphy in novel ways and interactively engage with audiences. Furthermore, this connection ensures that calligraphy remains a living, evolving art, appealing to new generations and the rest of the world. I envision the future of calligraphy as a blend of tradition and modernity, using emerging technologies to foster new creative expressions, which can rejuvenate the art and establish it as a popular and innovative form globally.

Written by Omid Memarian

Originally published on Global Voices

Screenshot from Russia Post article. Used with permission.

Based on her academic research, sociologist Karina Goulordava described for Russia Post the experience of Russians who fled to Turkey following Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Tightening immigration policies by the Turkish government is now forcing them to consider looking for new places to resettle. Global Voices is republishing the article, edited for length and clarity, with permission from Russia Post. 

Russians who came to Turkey after their country launched a full-scale aggression against Ukraine initially found a place of welcome and respite. Settling mainly in Istanbul and the Mediterranean resort cities of Antalya and Alanya, they viewed Turkey as a stable and enjoyable temporary home. Since early 2023, however, the country is increasingly a stopover before further migration or sometimes a return home, as more and more Russian exiles are refused residence permits by Turkish authorities. This shift occurs as Turkey grapples with high inflation, economic instability, and anti-immigrant sentiment, mainly targeting Syrian and Afghan refugees but becoming widespread among Turkish politicians and the public.

Limited options for Russian emigrants

Following the beginning of the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, tens of thousands of Russians flew to Turkey, although many stayed only briefly, often immediately transiting to Europe or Asia. Estimates indicate that over 700,000 people fled Russia when Russia announced its “partial military mobilization” in September 2022. Observations and interviews indicate, however, that many of those people chose to return to Russia after the mobilization threat subsided.

From the early weeks of the influx, sociologist Karina Goulordava began informal observations of and conversations with Russians arriving in Turkey, later evolving into formal interviews about their journey and settlement.

As most European countries suspended flights with Russia and some neighboring countries restricted entry, Turkey became one of the destinations for fleeing Russians, as it allowed flights and a visa-free stay of 60 days. Restricting Russians would have negatively impacted Turkey’s tourism sector, which had already been crippled by the pandemic. In 2021, Russians were the largest group of foreign visitors to Turkey.

Despite limited options, Russians still made choices about where to resettle. Many chose Turkey because of previous tourist trips, which gave a sense of familiarity in an otherwise uncertain transition. Existing Russian-speaking communities in Istanbul, Antalya, and Alanya reinforced this, as there were already established Russian-language schools, kindergartens, and pharmacies with Russian-speaking staff. Russians noted Turkey’s development and quality of life, appreciating its infrastructure, service sector, and medical care.

Throughout 2022, Russians cited Turkey’s relative affordability, which has since declined due to an economic downturn, inflation, and skyrocketing housing costs, partly blamed on Russian arrivals in cities like Istanbul, Antalya, and Alanya.

Compared with Georgia, Armenia, Kazakhstan, and Serbia (other common destinations for Russian emigrants), Turkey stood out because it did not have a Soviet past and wasn't a NATO member. Turkey has long balanced the West and East, aligning with Western political, economic, and military institutions and Eastern partnerships, particularly under current President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. In the Russia-Ukraine war, Turkey provided support to Ukraine and recognized its sovereignty while still relying on Russian oil and gas and not joining sanctions against Russia. Turkey leveraged its position to mediate negotiations between Russia and Ukraine, such as the Black Sea Grain Initiative and prisoner swaps.

Who are the Russians in Turkey?

The Russians who came to Turkey often match the general profile of those who have chosen to leave Russia since February 2022. Most are younger than 50, come from the country’s major urban areas, are educated and well-traveled, and, at least in Russia, were part of the middle class, which has significantly expanded since the 2000s. Their cited reasons for leaving Russia were a mix of opposition to the government, uncertainty about Russia’s stability, fear of being cut off from the world, and avoiding the military mobilization.

Higher-profile political activists, journalists, artists, and intellectuals mostly sought refuge in the EU or North America, often transiting through Turkey. Russians with wealth did not generally settle in Turkey, preferring Dubai.

Many who had economic and social capital in Russia found it harder to transfer these in Turkey; lower salaries and the need for fluency in Turkish limited employment. Obtaining a work permit is challenging — many migrants and refugees work informally.

Some Russians opened businesses in Turkey, like cafes, restaurants, and salons, mainly catering to Russians and the Russian-speaking community. Other businesses are advertised informally through social media, such as delivering homemade dishes popular in the former Soviet Union. Wealthier Russians have used Turkey’s citizenship-by-investment program, which grants Turkish citizenship with a property purchase of at least USD 400,000, with Russians consistently among the top foreign buyers of Turkish real estate.

Residence permits: The main hurdle to staying in Turkey

The exact number of Russians who have settled in Turkey since early 2022 is difficult to determine. According to the government agency overseeing immigration, around 80,000–90,000 Russians received first-time residence permits throughout 2022. Since early 2023, however, the number of Russian nationals with residence permits has declined, from a peak of around 150,000 at the end of 2022 to approximately 90,000 in September 2024. For comparison, at the end of 2021, around 66,000 Russians held Turkish residence permits.

Residence permit refusals have affected not only Russians but much of Turkey’s foreign population. Publicly available data shows a 21 percent decrease in foreign residents from the end of 2022 to September 2024. Russians report that refusal of a residence permit, or the fear of one, is the primary reason they are leaving Turkey.

Turkish immigration authorities rarely clarify their policy, though it appears reactive and rapidly changing. Throughout 2022, new Russian arrivals were rarely refused permits, and one-year residency could be obtained by presenting a rental contract. In early 2023, however, Russian communities reported rising refusal rates, reflected in declining residence permit figures.

Turkey’s increasingly unwelcoming immigration climate

Russians’ experiences in Turkey occur amid growing politicization of migration. Historically a country of out-migration, Turkey became more attractive as its economy improved. Its strategic location and borders with Europe, Syria, and Iraq brought refugees seeking safety or transit to Europe. In 2011, over 3.5 million Syrian refugees arrived due to the Syrian civil war. Today, around 3 million Syrians have temporary protected status, while around 220,000 asylum-seekers from other countries, mainly Afghanistan and Iraq, are under international protection, according to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees.

[Global Voices previously reported that the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees estimates that some 4 million refugees, mostly Syrians, live in Turkey. Afghans make up the second largest group.]

Public sentiment and political rhetoric in Turkey often display resistance to  immigration, especially targeting Syrian and Afghan refugees. Calls to deport Syrian refugees resonate widely among Turkish politicians, the public, and the Erdoğan administration. In 2023, the economic downturn and high inflation spurred anti-immigrant violence, including anti-Syrian riots in July, 2024 where a teenage boy was killed, and Syrian properties were damaged. [Ed: anti-immigrant sentiments were already there in 2021.]

With Ali Yerlikaya’s appointment as interior minister in July 2023, immigration policy became stricter. While residence permit denials were rising before, the government now enforces mobile immigration checks to verify residency status and reduce irregular migration. In Russian-populated areas of Antalya, checks were set up in shopping malls and cafes. However, unlike refugees without legal status, Russians found without permits were often asked to depart voluntarily rather than detained.

What’s next for the Russians in Turkey?

Many Russians, despite wishing to stay in Turkey, are considering onward migration due to residence permit issues and discomfort with the growing “anti-foreigner environment.” The economic downturn and high inflation have also led some to explore other destinations.

Russians’ options remain limited. Many express a desire to move to the EU or North America, though few believe they could obtain visas or legal residency. Some consider relocating to Serbia, Georgia, Armenia, or farther destinations like Thailand or Indonesia (particularly Bali). For most Russians who came to Turkey, uncertainty is the defining experience, and onward migration appears likely.

In the years ahead, the path of this new Russian diaspora may become clearer. Turkey may not be a long-term home for most recent Russian emigrants, a result of Turkey’s shifting immigration policies and climate. As after the 1917 revolution and the exodus of  Russians opposing the Bolsheviks (so-called White Russians, as opposed to “Red” — Bolsheviks) Turkey seems to be a temporary stop for the Russian diaspora rather than a permanent home.

Written by Russia Post

Originally published on Global Voices

Iranian airstrikes on Israel on 1 October 2024 by Hanay. Source: Wikimedia Commons (CC BY-SA 4.0)

A specter is haunting Iran — the threat of a full-fledged war with Israel, stirring fears of devastation reminiscent of Gaza and Lebanon. As tensions escalate, millions of Iranians face the risk of serious harm, either directly or indirectly. Yet, surprisingly, even as the majority of Iranian human rights and civil society organizations are based outside the country, in particular in the West, due to the Islamic Republic’s brutal repression, the majority have remained silent, offering no statements, analyses, or even discussion on the escalating conflict.

To explore the reasons behind this silence, Global Voices interviewed veteran human rights activists who offered insights into the complex factors at play.

Decades of work

Iranian human rights organizations in exile have spent decades raising awareness about political prisoners and prisoners of conscience, documenting human rights abuses, and campaigning against state-sanctioned executions and discrimination affecting women, minorities, and journalists. They have also collaborated closely with the United Nations’ Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The civil society groups still in Iran, such as the Iran Bar Association, face enormous pressure and restrictions. The Islamic Republic’s authorities even shut down the charity, Imam Ali's Popular Student Relief Society, which worked on combating poverty and helping vulnerable children. Authorities have also imprisoned high-profile activists, such as Nobel Peace laureate Narges Mohammadi who was recently hospitalized with severe health issues.

Mohammadi, who believes in the necessity of regime change in Iran, recently issued an anti-war message: “All those responsible for war are not only condemned by the people of the lands and times they devastate, but they are also forever disgraced and ostracised in the annals of human history.”

Funding matters

But despite these efforts, some Iranian activists and citizens have voiced growing concerns about transparency and funding dependencies. These criticisms suggest that some organizations abroad may be prioritizing certain issues over others due to the influence of funding sources, risking the impression that they operate within a discriminatory framework that fluctuates according to funders’ agendas.

Nazila Golestan, France-based media producer and the speaker of human rights and political organization HamAva, tells Global Voices via WhatsApp that “funding sources heavily influence organizational stances, often undercutting their purported neutrality.”

Having worked with human rights organizations in both Iran and France, she has observed that some groups’ silence on the war reflects an unwillingness to alienate donors. Golestan contends that “the mission of any true human rights organization should include advocating for peace and diplomacy, as conflicts impact civilians first and foremost.”

Matt Forouzandy, an Iranian–Canadian queer activist and interdisciplinary artist, agrees. “Funding sources and associated political agendas are decisive in shaping these organizations’ positions, often resulting in actions aligned with donor expectations rather than a true commitment to human rights,” he tells Global Voices.

Forouzandy, who is one of the voices of Iran's exiled LGBTQ+ community, adds that “these tendencies increasingly disillusion Iranian civil society and activists. He advocates for new, grassroots-driven models to bypass the current challenges and foster more effective human rights advocacy.”

Silence amid escalating conflict

The current silence from human rights groups is particularly notable given the humanitarian stakes. While the raison d’etre of these organizations is to urge the Iranian state to respect the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, a full-scale conflict between Iran and Israel could jeopardize the fundamental rights of Iranian people, including the right to life, the right to an adequate standard of living, and the right to education, among others. 

This is clear in the ongoing violence in Gaza, where UNICEF reports that “about 9 in 10 of Gaza’s population are estimated to have been internally displaced. Half of them children. They do not have enough access to water, food, fuel and medicine.” Reportedly thousands of children have been killed or injured in the conflict so far.

Furthermore, the war on Lebanon also underscores the profound impacts of such conflicts on civilian populations, where, according to UNICEF, “the conflict has displaced hundreds of thousands of children and their families.”

Risk of alienation

Kamran Ashtray, artist and the executive director of the Nederalnds-based Arseh Sevom NGO which focuses on civil society in Iran, warns in an email to Global Voices that “organizations risk alienating the very communities they aim to represent if they selectively address human rights violations.”

He argues that “failing to advocate for peace could create a perception that these organizations align more with external agendas than with the genuine concerns of the Iranian people. Such selectivity could harm the credibility of these groups, both within Iran and on the global stage.”

According to Ashtary, “a balanced approach that condemns internal abuses by the Iranian regime while opposing escalations that threaten civilians would uphold both independence and credibility.”

When these activists talk about funds, the risk of alienating the Iranian people, and keeping the funders happy, what is at stake is an enormous economy of funding largely supported by the U.S. State Department, which has dedicated millions to Iranian civil society initiatives, including approximately USD 30 million initially earmarked for civil society support.

This funding structure has expanded significantly, with the U.S. Department of State’s financial support for just VPN (anti-filtering) tools increasing from USD 5 million in 2019 to over USD 30 million in 2024.

A pivotal moment

The silence haunts Iranian human rights organizations regarding this looming conflict and raises critical questions about their priorities, independence, and future direction. 

As tensions between Israel and Iran escalate, human rights organizations face a pivotal moment that calls for reflection on whether neutrality aligns with their fundamental mission.

This crisis presents an opportunity to re-evaluate their goals and strategies, echoing a reminder by German theologian Dietrich Bonhoeffer who fought against silence and the Nazi regime and sacrificed his life: “Silence in the face of evil is itself evil… Not to act is to act.” How these organizations respond could ultimately shape the future of human rights advocacy for Iran and the broader region.

Written by Fred Petrossian

Originally published on Global Voices

Ouarzazate Solar Power Station seen from space on 20 March 2019 by ESA / Copernicus Sentinel-2A . Source: Wikimedia Commons (CC BY-SA 3.0 IGO).

Morocco’s Noor Solar Plant, located near the small town of Ouarzazate in the south-central part of Morocco, is the world’s largest concentrated solar power (CSP) plant and a centerpiece of the country’s push to become a global leader in renewable energy. Supported by European investments, this ambitious project has gained international praise for its potential to reduce carbon emissions and generate sustainable energy.

However, while Morocco’s renewable energy success story is celebrated internationally, there are growing concerns about the social impact of large-scale projects like Noor. Rural communities have been displaced, and workers face harsh conditions. These human rights concerns raise questions about the responsibilities of European investors and the Moroccan government in ensuring that the benefits of renewable energy do not come at the cost of local populations.

Renewable energy ambitions

Morocco has set an ambitious goal of generating 52 percent of its electricity from renewable sources by 2030, with projects like Noor playing a key role. Noor, which began operating in 2016, is part of the Moroccan Solar Plan and covers over 3,000 hectares of land. The plant uses innovative CSP technology, which allows it to store energy and continue producing power even after the sun sets.

The project has attracted billions of dollars in funding from European countries such as Germany, Spain, and France, alongside international financial institutions like the European Investment Bank (EIB). These investments are seen as part of Europe’s broader strategy to combat climate change by supporting renewable energy development in the Global South.

However, while these projects are crucial for reducing carbon emissions, their social impacts on local communities are often overlooked.

Displacement of local communities

One of the most pressing concerns surrounding the Noor Solar Plant is the displacement of local communities. The plant’s vast size required the acquisition of land that had been used for generations by rural communities for farming and grazing. While the Moroccan government claims that it consulted with local populations and provided compensation, a 2019 report by Wuppertal Institut suggests that these processes were not always adequate.

Noor 2 – Ouarzazate Solar Power Station. Photo by Richard Allaway, source: Flickr (CC BY 2.0).

The report indicated that many families affected by the Noor project felt they had little choice in the matter and that the compensation they received did not cover the long-term impacts of losing their land and livelihoods. Similar concerns have been raised by human rights organizations, which argue that more needs to be done to protect the rights of these communities and ensure that development projects benefit everyone, not just investors.

Labor rights and working conditions

In addition to displacement, labor rights violations have been another area of concern. Morocco’s labor laws, though relatively strong on paper, are not always effectively enforced, particularly in large infrastructure projects like Noor. Workers hired by subcontractors to build and maintain the plant have reported facing poor working conditions, including long hours, low pay, and inadequate safety measures.

European investors, while committing to following ethical guidelines, have faced criticism for not ensuring that these standards are upheld in practice. Without stronger enforcement mechanisms, both in Morocco and within the companies themselves, workers continue to be vulnerable to exploitation.

European accountability and ethical investment

European countries and institutions have been key supporters of Morocco’s renewable energy projects, seeing them as essential to achieving global climate goals. Morocco’s geographic proximity to Europe and its potential for energy exports make it a strategic partner in the fight against climate change.

The European Union has frameworks such as the Green Deal and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) that emphasize ethical investment, but reports from civil society organizations suggest that these commitments are not always reflected in the implementation of large-scale projects. Critics argue that European investors should do more to ensure that human rights are respected and that local communities benefit from the economic opportunities created by these investments.

Noor solar power complex beyond Ouarzazate city. Photo by John Englart. Source: Flickr (CC BY-SA 2.0).

In a 2021 statement, Amnesty International called for greater transparency and accountability from European governments and companies involved in renewable energy projects abroad. They emphasized that environmental sustainability must go hand in hand with social responsibility.

Inclusive development

Civil society organizations in Morocco have been increasingly vocal about the social impacts of renewable energy projects. Groups like Germanwatch and the Heinrich Böll Foundation have called for more comprehensive protections for displaced communities and workers involved in large infrastructure projects.

In their 2015 report on the Conférence sur Les Changements Climatiques au Maroc (Conference on Climate Change in Morocco) in Rabat, they highlighted the need for more inclusive development practices that involve local communities from the start and ensure that they are not left behind in the rush to build renewable energy capacity. They argue that projects like Noor should serve as models not only for environmental sustainability but also for social justice.

The need for a just transition

As Morocco continues to expand its renewable energy sector, projects like the Noor Solar Plant are critical for addressing global climate challenges. However, the social costs of these developments cannot be ignored. Displacement, labor rights violations, and a lack of meaningful community involvement highlight the need for a more equitable approach to renewable energy development.

For European investors, the challenge is to ensure that their support for Morocco’s renewable energy ambitions also promotes social responsibility. By holding both themselves and their partners accountable, they can help ensure that the transition to renewable energy is truly sustainable — for the environment, and for the people living in the communities impacted by these projects.

Written by El Mehdi Boufaddi

Originally published on Global Voices

A UNRWA building after it was shelled by the Israeli army in Gaza on January 15, 2009. Photo by ISM Palestine. Source: Flickr (CC BY-SA 2.0)

Israel has become the first country to legislate a ban against a United Nations institution, targeting the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) and declaring it a “terror group” with a near-unanimous vote of 92–10.

This unprecedented move raises profound questions: What does it mean when a global agency — recognized and funded by the majority of the world’s nations — becomes labeled as a “terrorist organization?” This designation not only undermines UNRWA’s humanitarian mission but also casts a shadow over other international agencies working to uphold human rights and peace.

A deliberate escalation

UNRWA, established in 1949, provides essential services to Palestinian refugees, including education, healthcare, and social support in the West Bank, Gaza, Lebanon, Syria, and Jordan. Although Israel has long criticized UNRWA, the recent legislation escalates grievances to a legislative level, prohibiting the agency's operation in Israel and controversially extending this prohibition to all areas under its occupation according to international law.

Since October 2023, Israel has been systematically destroying UNRWA buildings in Gaza, including schools sheltering displaced people, and, in May 2024, the UNRWA headquarters in East Jerusalem was forced to close temporarily due to an attack by “Israeli extremists.”

Israeli soldiers rejoicing as a UN run school in Beit Hanoun in northern Gaza blown is turned to rubble by Israel.

The UN uses their buildings to offer shelter to displaced Palestinians.

133 UN staff have been murdered by Israel.

pic.twitter.com/6VIOk3LpSw

— Howard Beckett (@BeckettUnite) December 12, 2023

According to Adalah Legal Centre, the laws violate the provisional measures ordered by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and may breach the Genocide Convention and the ICC’s Rome Statute. This legislation threatens a vital lifeline for over 2.5 million Palestinian refugees in occupied Palestinian territory, and “represents a deliberate attempt to fundamentally undermine UNRWA and its essential mission of supporting the relief, education, and human development of Palestinian refugees.” Specifically, it aims to strip Palestinians displaced during the 1948 Nakba and the 1967 war of their refugee status and right of return. Adalah has called on the international community to hold Israel accountable.

The governments of Ireland, Norway, Slovenia, and Spain, issued a joint statement criticizing the new law, calling it a “serious precedent for the work of the United Nations and for all organizations within the multilateral system.”

Worsening relations with the UN

The Knesset’s recent law highlights a rapidly deteriorating relationship between Israel and the United Nations, marking a crisis in the post-WWII order intended to safeguard peace and human rights. This legislation questions the authority of international law and the relevance of institutions meant to protect human rights, and may embolden other countries to follow suit.

In an August 2024 interview with i24News, former Israeli envoy to the UN Gilad Erdan said, “The UN building in Jerusalem needs to be closed and erased from the face of the earth.” Previously, in May 2024, Erdan gained notoriety by shredding the UN charter during his speech at the General Assembly.

Israeli ambassador to the UN pathetically brought a paper shredder to the UN General Assembly to shred the UN Charter in protest over majority resolution to expand Palestine’s “rights and privileges” at the UN. pic.twitter.com/NsOxHgMxph

— Marwa Fatafta مروة فطافطة (@marwasf) May 10, 2024

Back in July, the Knesset further reinforced its defiance with a resolution that also passed almost unanimously (68–9) rejecting the establishment of a Palestinian state, contradicting the principles of the two-state solution outlined in the Oslo Accords and all relevant UN resolutions which Israel has historically ignored.

A pattern of UN defiance

Israel’s ban on UNRWA is not an isolated incident but part of a broader trajectory of antagonism toward the United Nations and its institutions. Recently, Israel declared UN Secretary-General António Guterres persona non grata, barring his entry.

This step follows numerous instances of denying entry visas to UN representatives and investigators examining human rights abuses in Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories. Israel consistently rejects UN calls for investigations into alleged abuses, disregarding resolutions related to settlement expansion, military actions in Gaza, West Bank, or Lebanon.

Israel’s antagonism towards the UN extends beyond Palestinian territories. UNIFIL (United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon) troops, mandated to oversee peace along the Lebanon-Israel border, have faced direct attacks, sparking condemnation. On October 12, following repeated Israeli attacks on UN peacekeeping forces in South Lebanon, 44 countries, including three UN Security Council permanent members, issued a joint statement condemning the assaults.

In May 2024, the UN Security Council passed a resolution denouncing attacks on UN staff and aid workers in conflict zones. Israel’s actions in Gaza alone have killed at least 237 UN personnel.

International responses and accountability

The international community’s response has been mixed, with some countries voicing concern over the ban’s dangerous implications for UN staff worldwide, though few have proposed significant sanctions against Israel. European nations, while condemning Israel’s treatment of UNRWA, have largely refrained from imposing economic or political sanctions. This lack of consequences raises questions about international law’s credibility, risking a shift from substance to symbolism without enforceable mechanisms.

These developments arise amid an escalation of violence, particularly in Gaza and Lebanon, which risk engulfing the whole region in a larger scale war. Israeli military operations in Jabalia and northern Gaza have led to high civilian casualties and international condemnation, as the country faces genocide accusations found to be plausible by the ICJ.

Public hearings in the case South Africa v. Israel. 16-17 May. Source: International Court of Justice. Copyrights exempt.

University of London research agency Forensic Architecture has recently launched an 827 page report and interactive platform titled “A Cartography of Genocide,” meticulously documenting the impact of the war on Gaza.

NEW: ‘A Cartography of Genocide’. Since October 2023, we have collected and analysed data related to Israel’s military campaign in Gaza. Our findings indicate that Israel has systematically targeted all aspects of civilian life. https://t.co/UUxYqpTF72 pic.twitter.com/lpqv78S5c4

— Forensic Architecture (@ForensicArchi) October 29, 2024

UN human rights experts have warned that Israel risks becoming an international “pariah.” On the first anniversary of the October 7 war, UN experts said that “the world has seen a brutal escalation of violence, resulting in genocidal attacks, ethnic cleansing and collective punishment of Palestinians, which risks breaking down the international multilateral system.”

Israel’s hostility toward UN bodies hampers the UN’s ability to respond effectively to the humanitarian crisis unfolding across the region. With UNRWA barred from its work in areas under Israeli control, millions will further lack essential aid and services.

A dangerous precedent

Israel’s legislative ban on UNRWA can be seen as a reflection of a systemic disregard for international law. By enabling Israel’s continuous antagonism toward the UN, the global community risks weakening the institutions meant to preserve order and justice, reducing their power to act — even symbolically — in future conflicts.

This situation underscores a need for renewed commitment to international cooperation and real accountability. Without a united stance against the growing pattern of defiance, the UN and its agencies risk losing power in the missions they were created to uphold at a dangerous juncture in the planet’s history. Failing to hold Israel accountable might allow this precedent to erode the system at large and further damage the UN’s credibility after more than a year of failing to stop documented crimes that continue to be committed during its devastating war on Gaza.

Written by Walid El Houri

Originally published on Global Voices

Image by Arzu Geybullayeva. Former PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan (left) and MHP leader Devlet Bahçeli (right).

The state-run Turkish Aerospace Industries (TUSAS), one of the main drivers of Turkey's defense industry, was the target of a terrorist attack on Wednesday, October 23. According to the latest numbers, at least five employees were killed and 22 injured as the authorities continue investigating the deadly attack. Meanwhile, the government has implemented bandwidth throttling for several social media platforms, including Instagram, YouTube, TikTok, Twitter, and others, following the attack.

At around 4 pm, explosions and gunshots were reported on the territory of TUSAS. Minister of the Interior, Ali Yerlikaya, confirmed on X, (formerly Twitter) that it was a terrorist attack. In the evening, Yaşar Güler, the Minister of National Defense, said the outlawed Kurdistan Worker's Party (PKK), a group widely recognized as a terrorist organization, was likely behind the attack. The following day, Yerlikaya confirmed that one of the two attackers who “were neutralized” was a member of PKK based on DNA forensics.

The attack came a day after Devlet Bahçeli, the leader of an ultra-right Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) and an ally of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), made a statement on the potential release of the jailed PKK leader, Abdullah Öcalan.

The controversial statement

Had the statement been made by any other opposition politician, they likely would have been arrested or banned from politics, pointed out opposition news presenters. But Bahçeli's sudden suggestion of offering Öcalan parole and re-opening talks with the PKK — a group that has been designated a terrorist group by the United States, the European Union, and Turkey — was met with no objections.

Addressing his party at the parliament, on October 22, Bahçeli said, “Let the terrorist leader unilaterally declare terrorism is over and that his organization has been dissolved.” Bahçeli even suggested that Öcalan could be invited to the parliament and deliver this message at a parliamentary session of the People's Equality and Democracy (DEM) Party.

Earlier this month, during parliament's opening session, Bahçeli also shook hands with the co-leader of the pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Equality and Democracy (DEM) Party, Tuncer Bakırhan. Bahçeli seems to also have secured approval from his ally Erdoğan, who said on October 12, “We find Mr. Bahçeli's attitude positive and meaningful for our country's struggle for democracy. We hope that the number of those who take these steps will increase in the future.”

The sudden call stands in stark contrast to Bahçeli's 2007 position when he urged the state to execute Öcalan. The leader of the nationalist party also rejected peace talks in 2010. In 2021, when the Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP), DEM's predecessor, member Deniz Poyraz was killed, Bahçeli did not mince words, accusing Poyraz of being a terrorist. The same year, Turkey's Constitutional Court accepted an indictment seeking the closure of the HDP. Prior to the court ruling, the party was already subject to pressure in recent years. Scores of HDP's senior party members, including former co-chair Selahattin Demirtaş, were arrested on terrorism-related charges.

The last time the ruling government attempted to engage with the PKK was as part of the peace process initiated from 2013–2015. Eventually, the peace talks fell through, and the group carried out a number of terrorist attacks across the country while Turkish military and security forces engaged in operations against the group in Iraq and Syria.

Following the October 23 attack, it was reported that the Turkish military struck several targets in Iraq and Syria in retaliation.

Since 2017, the number of PKK-organized attacks dropped. Öcalan was placed behind bars in 1999 and sentenced to life in prison.

Following Bahçeli's remarks, Öcalan was allowed to meet with a family member for the first time since 2020. Following the meeting, Öcalan’s nephew, a member of DEM, Ömer Öcalan, wrote on X that his uncle said he had the power to transition the process from violence to legal and political grounds.

Expert on Kurdish issues and journalist with AlMonitor, Amberin Zaman, reasoned that the opening of talks with the PKK is linked to “a broader conflagration in the Middle East.” Zaman wrote:

Ankara, much like other regional actors, is on tenterhooks as Israel mulls its response to Iran’s Oct. 1 ballistic missile attack on Tel Aviv. In the ensuing chaos and instability, and with their Hezbollah allies and other Shiite militias badly weakened, factions within the Iranian regime such as the powerful Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps could strike deals with the PKK, Turkish officials claim.

The attack

Bahçeli's suggestion did sit well with political leaders and commentators. Speaking at his party meeting, the leader of the IYI (Good) Party, Müsavat Dervişoğlu, fired back, saying Öcalan had no place in the parliament building.

The main opposition Republican People's (CH) Party said they would be open to talks with the PKK, but they also warned the move was primarily political, suggesting the ruling AKP and MHP alliance were looking to gain Kurdish party support before introducing constitutional amendments. This is in reference to discussions that the president would need to seek constitutional changes if he were to run in the next presidential election. In its current form, the constitution limits the presidency to two terms of five years. Already the legality behind President Erdoğan's candidacy in last year's general election was a point of debate. Nevertheless, President Erdoğan did run and secured victory in the second round of the presidential vote.

When President Erdoğan signaled his support for Bahceli on October 12, he also said, “As the number of those who take these steps increases, we hope that we can expand the base of social consensus on the new constitution.”

Temporary bandwidth throttling

The government was quick to throttle the bandwidth of several social media platforms and impose a media gag order following the attack. In response to the blocking, professor of law and expert on internet freedom issues in Turkey, Yaman Akdeniz, wrote on X:

Deprem veya terör saldırıları sırasında tüm sosyal medya platformlarına yönelik bant daraltma uygulaması basının haber yapma, vatandaşın da haber ve bilgi alma hakkını baltalamaktadır. Bu sadece sansür değir aynı zamanda tüm vatandaşların haberleşme özgürlüğünün ihlalidir. https://t.co/vIqlPMLFoj

— Yaman Akdeniz (@cyberrights) October 23, 2024

The practice of throttling bandwidth to all social media platforms during earthquakes or terrorist attacks undermines the media's right to report and citizen's right to obtain news and information. This is not only censorship, but a violation of all citizens’ freedom of communication.

This is not the first time authorities have throttled access to social media platforms. Most recently, access to Instagram was blocked in August 2024, by the country's communication authority. In February 2023, following a devastating earthquake, there was a temporary throttling of Twitter and TikTok, as well as detentions and criminal proceedings against social media users.

In December 2023, the Information Technologies and Communications Authority (BTK) — Turkey's top telecommunications watchdog — imposed an access ban on 16 VPN providers.  In 2022, following a deadly explosion in Istanbul, the Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTÜK) — Turkey's chief censor—imposed a broadcast ban on media, while the Information Technologies and Communications Authority (BTK), throttled access to social media platforms.

While access to platforms was restored on October 24, it remains to be seen what lies ahead in peace dialogue on the Kurdish issue.

Written by Arzu Geybullayeva