Originally published on Global Voices

Nyibol Mathiang Deng, 27, and her child receive energy biscuits from aid workers after arriving at the South Sudan border point in Majok Yinthiou. Photo by Peter Caton from Action Against Hunger, used with permission.

By Dr. Charles E. Owubah

Nyibol Mathiang Deng was six months pregnant when armed men stormed Muglad, the Sudanese village where she lived. Fearing the rest of her family was dead, she hid with her daughter. Soon, they set off on a challenging four-day journey by car, motorcycle, and foot, braving dangerous terrain and enduring blistering heat. When they finally arrived in Majok, South Sudan, they were relieved to be reunited with the rest of their family. But they were confronted by an uncertain future.

Nyibol is not alone in her plight. In fact, she is part of a much broader pattern — one that is having far-reaching ripples across the African continent.

Africa’s revolving door

Driven by conflict, climate change, and poverty, millions across central Africa are trapped in an escalating cycle of displacement. For example, Global Voices reports that drought in Somalia is pushing thousands of climate refugees into Kenya's Dadaab Refugee Camp. Whether through forced displacement or voluntary migration, people are crossing borders in search of safety and opportunity, only to find conditions as dire — or even worse — than those they fled. The region is increasingly becoming a revolving door of migration and adversity.

To vastly simplify a complex situation, consider that over several years, more than 100,000 people are estimated to have left Chad for Sudan. Many struggled to find employment. Then, armed conflict in Sudan caused an escalating humanitarian crisis and what may be the worst hunger emergency in the world. While humanitarian organizations are trying to alleviate suffering, resources are spread too thin. So, perhaps it’s not a surprise that since the start of the current conflict in April 2023, more than 821,300 people from Sudan have sought refuge in South Sudan. 

However, South Sudan has challenges of its own, including conflict, severe flooding and food insecurity which displaced millions. By the end of 2023, conditions in South Sudan left about 2 million people internally displaced and a further 2.3 million refugees in neighboring countries.  Some who left South Sudan headed to the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC).

Yet, in the DRC, clashes between military forces and insurgents are driving insecurity, hunger and a mental health crisis. As a result, tens of thousands of people have left the DRC for other places, including the Central African Republic. Unfortunately, similar shocks in the Central African Republic have displaced millions, with many lacking access to basic necessities like food, water and shelter. As a result, many have left the Central African Republic for Chad. And the cycle continues.

A complex web of displacement

To be clear, the revolving door is not a singular loop. It is a complex web of multi-directional movement. Not all migration flows are of comparable size or occurring at the same time. For example, the flow of migrants from Chad to Sudan has largely reversed as the conflict in Sudan has escalated into a humanitarian disaster. Today, Chad hosts an estimated one million refugees from Sudan — roughly equal to one in 17 people in the country.

Repatriation also plays a role. For example, during the war in South Sudan, many families moved to Sudan, which was comparatively stable with some economic opportunities, mostly in agriculture and manual labor. Then, when conflict broke out in Sudan, close to 600,000 South Sudanese returned to their home country. This included children who had never known South Sudan and often lacked the local family ties to protect and sustain them.

These returnees, together with Sudanese refugees, are straining already stretched basic services with the potential to lead to further conflict. The response from the global community has been woefully inadequate. The magnitude of this crisis is alarming: it impacts an estimated 45 million people and has grown by 14 percent.

Even as thousands leave any given country, thousands more may be pouring in. Even more are internally displaced, within their own borders but unable to return home. Some people move repeatedly, whether internally displaced within borders or crossing borders as migrants or refugees. The lines can be blurred.

One cycle drives another

This revolving door of displacement is driven by other interrelated cycles. The climate crisis is a hunger crisis.  In the Horn of Africa alone, over 36 million people have been affected by droughts which have decreased crop yields and caused food shortages. As climate change worsens, so does conflict — which only worsens this situation. As noted in the UN Security Council Resolution 2417, too often, hunger is used as a weapon of war. Despite the UN Resolution, we are seeing a vicious cycle where conflict drives hunger, and hunger drives conflict.

This endless cycle points to deeper systemic failures that leave the world’s most marginalized people even more vulnerable.

Opening the door to opportunity

Research consistently shows that newcomers, including immigrants and refugees, can benefit their host communities, including potential economic gains in low- and middle-income countries. However, if immigration isn’t well managed, it can strain local resources in the short term. Fortunately, there are effective models to address these challenges, and Uganda stands out as a potential example for the world.

Uganda hosts approximately 1.7 million refugees from more than ten countries. Their comprehensive framework, The Uganda Country Refugee Response Plan (UCRRP), focuses on strengthening access to public services, enhancing self-reliance and promoting co-existence with the host community. This framework also calls for increased support from development actors to bolster government systems. Nonprofit organizations like Action Against Hunger also play an important role. Action Against Hunger has helped countless families seeking refuge in Uganda, for example, to establish roots in their new communities. This can involve providing agricultural training for families to cultivate their own food, job training and internships for young people, and financial literacy workshops, among other programs. Yet, resources are limited. 

The global community urgently needs to increase funding for humanitarian relief and also invest in proven programs, such as climate-smart agriculture, that can prevent displacement. Yet, in 2023, countries dealing with crisis levels of hunger — or worse — only received 35 percent of their requested funding for hunger-related programs. In other words, the hunger funding gap hovers around 65 percent. This situation should concern anyone who wants to live in a peaceful and equitable world.

Nyibol Mathiang Deng, 27, and her child receive energy biscuits from an aid worker after arriving at the South Sudan border point in Majok Yinthiou. Photo by Peter Caton from Action Against Hunger, used with permission.

Fortunately, Nyibol's journey has led her to a place where she can start over. She and her family have relocated to Kuajok, South Sudan, with the help of aid organizations, and she hopes to get back to farming there as soon as the rains return. Despite the challenges she is having in reconstructing her life, Nyibol remains determined and courageous. Yet, without systemic change and sufficient funding, millions of people like Nyibol will remain trapped in a revolving door of displacement. 

Written by Guest Contributor

Originally published on Global Voices

Delegates at the sub-regional conference on whistleblowing and whistleblower protection in West Africa. Photo by me. Used with permission.

On November 26 and 27, the first-ever conference on whistleblowing and whistleblower protection in West Africa was held in Abuja, Nigeria, under the theme “Reducing corruption in West Africa: The importance of whistleblowing and whistleblower legislation.” The conference, which was organized by the African Center for Media and Information Literacy (AFRICMIL), brought together delegates from the Network of Anti-Corruption Institutions in West Africa (NACIWA), key civil society actors, media, security, law enforcement, and anti-corruption organizations, government agencies, and various international development organizations.

Across Africa, corruption remains a critical barrier to development, undermining democratic institutions, slowing economic growth, contributing to governmental instability, and fueling organized crime and general insecurity. The 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) reveals most African nations are struggling to make progress against corruption.

The agenda tackled pressing issues in the fight to protect whistleblowers, including a keynote address on the effect of corruption on economic growth and democratic processes in West Africa, a presentation on regional experience in whistleblowing and witness protection, and panel discussions on whistleblower protections.

Role of whistleblowing in combating corruption

In 2001, during the session of the Authority of Heads of State and Government held in Dakar, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) adopted the Protocol on the Fight against Corruption — a set of strategies to prevent, suppress, and eradicate corruption in the region. West African activists are continuing this fight and hoping to bolster whistleblower protections.

Speaking at the conference, Kole Shettima, Africa Director of the MacArthur Foundation, said:

Whistleblowing is one of the major instruments that can be used to improve accountability mechanisms in our region. The fight against corruption requires different tools and whistleblowing is certainly one of the tools. It is the responsibility of citizens to report crime and we have seen so many people coming out to report on so many corrupt practices that have happened.

Of course, whistleblower policy, as we know, has its challenges, and I think that the major challenge we have seen over the number of years is the question of protection. We know there are a number of people who have been victimized because they have come to report or have reported certain people who have done some bad things within their ministry, within their institutions and that issue of protection is certainly a critical factor.

In August 2024, Wale Edun, Nigeria's finance minister, said the government launched sting operations which recovered USD 609 million, NGN 83 billion (USD 52.5 million), and EUR 5 million (USD 5.3 million), respectively, with the help of its whistleblowing policy.

The plight of whistleblowers

Joseph Ameh, an architect who worked as the head of the physical planning division at the Federal College of Education in Delta State, Nigeria, explained the ordeal he experienced after calling out corruption. He told Global Voices that:

Due process was never followed in the engagement of workers. Quacks were engaged to carry out projects. At a point, there was a building collapse. My entire fight was to safeguard the public from danger and the secondary fight has to do with the economic effect of the corrupt practices. In the sense that, when a project is awarded, it is usually overinflated. Before the project even commences, they take out about half the contract sum [for] themselves. In October 2019, I wrote to the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC). They sent a letter to the institution where I worked and shortly after, my ordeal began. I was threatened, sacked, and trailed in vehicles. I have even been offered checks in millions which I rejected.

Another whistleblower who suffered a similar fate was Ntia Thompson, who was fired for exposing alleged fraud at the Nigerian Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 2016 but was later reinstated through sustained advocacy by civic groups. 

AFRICMIL coordinator Chido Onumah, whose organization has been advocating for whistleblowers through its corruption anonymous project, emphasized the need to protect them from retaliation in an interview with Global Voices. 

Whistleblowers have been facing all kinds of retaliation ranging from stigmatization and discrimination, dismissal from a place of work, criminal sanctions, and death in extreme cases for daring to take what is obviously a delicate conscious action. This makes whistleblowers endangered species, so to speak. And we totally agree with the ECOWAS Commission that one of the best ways of giving them cover is for member states to provide a comprehensive legal framework through the whistleblowing legislation for disclosure of information and protection against any retaliation as a result of making disclosures.

The need for whistleblower protection

In July 2016, the ECOWAS commission met in Cotonou, Benin, and fortified its regional anti-corruption efforts by unveiling the ECOWAS whistleblower protection strategy and plan of action. The key focus of the whistleblower protection strategy is to encourage member states to enact a law to protect public interest whistleblowers as a way of reducing corruption and enhancing transparency and accountability in West Africa.

Professor Etannibi E. Alemika, a criminologist and expert in security and criminal justice sector governance, in his keynote address called for the adoption of stronger whistleblower protection legislation across West Africa to combat corruption. He said:

What we need is comprehensive legislation that ensures anonymity, protection from victimization, and, where necessary, relocation of whistleblowers and their families.

Chido Onumah, AFRICMIL Coordinator, noted that “Of the 15 countries that make up ECOWAS, only Ghana has a whistleblower protection law. This is not a good advertisement for ECOWAS, whose region is consistently rated poorly on Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index (CPI) and the majority of whose member countries are still considered as the most corrupt countries in the world.”

Written by Pamela Ephraim

Originally published on Global Voices

One of Fasky's photographs at sn exhibition showcasing his work during the Récréâtrales festival. In this photo, a young woman is weaving a traditional Burkinabe loincloth. Photo by Joel Hevi, used with permission.

Across Africa, art events serve as powerful platforms for activists seeking to raise awareness about social issues and human rights.

Zerbo Siaka, also known as Fasky, is a photographic artist from Burkina Faso operating at the intersection of artistic expression and activist movements. The artist is also the director of the association Photo’age. Through this association, he is dedicated to passing on his photographic expertise to the next generation. His exhibition at the 13th edition of the cultural festival ‘Les Récréâtrales’ — a pan-African space for writing, creation, research, and theatrical dissemination — exemplifies the positive impact art can have on society.

A long-time participant in this significant gathering, Fasky shared his perspectives with Global Voices during Les Récréâtrales, explaining how he uses his photography as a tool to foster resilience and encourage social engagement.

Fasky. Photo by Joel Hevi, used with permission.

Joel Hevi (JH): Could you tell us about what inspired your journey into photography and your role within the Photo’Age association?

Fasky (F): Je suis Zerbo Siaka alias Fasky, photographe originaire de Bobo-Dioulasso, au Burkina Faso. Mon parcours en photographie a débuté par hasard. Au départ, je rêvais d’être rappeur, mais j’ai découvert la photographie en accompagnant des amis français impliqués dans une association au Burkina Faso. Ils m’ont offert un appareil photo, et c’est à ce moment-là que la photographie est devenue pour moi une passion. Aujourd’hui, au sein de l'association Photot'age, je transmets cet art aux jeunes, y compris les enfants déplacés internes, pour qu’ils puissent s’exprimer par l’image et montrer leur réalité.

Fasky (F): I am Zerbo Siaka, also known as Fasky, a photographer from Bobo-Dioulasso in Burkina Faso. My journey into photography happened by chance. Initially, I aspired to be a rapper, but my path changed when I discovered photography while accompanying some French friends who were part of an association in Burkina Faso. They gifted me a camera, and that’s when photography became my passion. Today, through Photo’Age, I share this art with the younger generation, including internally displaced children, helping them to express themselves and showcase their realities.

JH: You presented a series of portraits of women at Les Récréâtrales. What message are you hoping to share through these woman-centric pieces?

F : Cela fait quatre ans que je participe aux Récréâtrales. Au fil du temps, j’ai eu la chance de tisser des liens forts avec les femmes que je photographie, dont la majorité sont des déplacées internes [à cause des multiples violences engendrées par les attaques terroristes]. Le thème de mon exposition, “Nous Vaincrons”, reflète leur résilience dans un contexte de crise. Ce sont des femmes qui, malgré tout, gardent espoir et luttent pour leur dignité. À travers leurs portraits, j’invite les visiteurs à voir leur force et leur vulnérabilité. Mon souhait est qu’on perçoive, au-delà de leurs visages, une humanité qui touche et inspire.

F: For four years now, I have taken part in Les Récréâtrales. During this time, I have been fortunate to build strong connections with the women I photograph, most of whom are internally displaced [due to the widespread violence caused by terrorist attacks]. The theme of my exhibition, ‘We Shall Overcome,’ reflects their resilience in the face of crisis. These are women who, despite everything, hold on to hope and fight for their dignity. Through their portraits, I invite visitors to witness their strength and vulnerability. My hope is that beyond their faces, one can see a moving and inspiring humanity.

A Fasky exhibit during Les Récréâtrales. Photo by Joel Hevi, used with permission.

JH: Do you hope to initiate a dialogue about gender equality? What potential impacts could arise beyond the aesthetic appeal of your work?

F: Absolument, la photographie est pour moi un acte politique et social. Ces portraits sont une prise de parole pour l’égalité des genres, pour rendre hommage à ces femmes fortes et à leurs combats. Mon espoir est de créer une prise de conscience, de montrer leur force et de rappeler l’urgence de l’égalité. Si mes images peuvent ouvrir un débat, susciter l’envie de défendre les droits de ces femmes, alors elles auront rempli leur mission.

F: Definitely, photography is for me a political and social act. These portraits are a statement advocating for gender equality and a tribute to these strong women and their struggles. I hope to raise awareness, to showcase their strength, and to emphasize the urgency of achieving equality. If my photographs can spark a debate and motivate others to stand up for these women's rights, they will have achieved their goal.

JH: What role does the Photo’Age association play in the West African photographic landscape, and which recent projects are especially close to your heart?

F: Photot’Age représente un espace de partage et d’expression pour moi. Avec des jeunes et des enfants déplacés, notamment à travers le projet Terre Ceinte [projet culturel et artistique au service de la lutte contre l’extrémisme violent], nous leur enseignons la photographie comme moyen de raconter leurs histoires. C’est aussi une manière de construire une autre image d’eux-mêmes, de revendiquer leurs réalités et leurs droits. On appelle cela le photographivisme [Photographie + Activisme] – un engagement à faire de l’image un levier de changement social.

F: For me, Photo’Age serves as a platform for expression and exchange. Through initiatives like the Terre Ceinte [Fortified Earth] project [a cultural and artistic project aimed at combating violent extremism], we teach photography to young people and displaced children as a way for them to tell their stories. This approach allows them to redefine how they see themselves, claim their realities, and advocate for their rights. This is what we call ‘photographivism’ [photography + activism] — a commitment to using imagery as a catalyst for social change.

JH: You will soon be participating in the Month of Photography in Grenoble. What are your expectations for this event?

F: Participer au Mois de la Photo à Grenoble représente pour moi une occasion précieuse de partager une vision authentique et souvent méconnue de l'Afrique. Mon projet Reconfinement, qui illustre la manière dont le confinement, imposé par la pandémie, n’a jamais vraiment existé en Afrique, est une réflexion sur la résilience et la vie quotidienne. Ce projet cherche à créer une véritable connexion humaine, en invitant le public à comprendre que, pour beaucoup en Afrique, la survie quotidienne rend les confinements physiques et mentaux presque impossibles à imaginer.

Je m’attends à ce que le public français, habitué à des représentations plus stéréotypées ou occidentalisées de l’Afrique, réagisse avec réflexion face à cette réalité brute. En présentant ces images de résilience et de quotidien, je souhaite que les spectateurs soient confrontés à un autre regard sur l’Afrique, loin des clichés, mais profondément ancré dans les réalités humaines et sociales.

Cette exposition collective à La Rampe, aux côtés d’artistes comme Jean-Claude Partouche, Sophie Romettino et bien d’autres, me semble être un cadre idéal pour amorcer ce dialogue. L’un des aspects les plus intéressants de cet événement est justement l'échange, mais aussi sur les histoires humaines qui se cachent derrière chaque image. Je crois que cette expérience sera enrichissante, tant pour les spectateurs que pour nous, les artistes.

F: Taking part in the Month of Photography in Grenoble, France is a unique opportunity for me to share an authentic and often overlooked perspective of Africa. My project Reconfinement [Re-Lockdown], which explores how the pandemic-imposed lockdown was never truly experienced in Africa, offers a reflection on resilience and everyday life. The goal of this project is to establish a true human connection, encouraging the public to understand that for many in Africa, the realities of daily survival make physical and mental lockdowns almost unimaginable.

I expect the French audience, often exposed to more stereotypical or Westernized representations of Africa, to respond thoughtfully to this unfiltered reality. By showcasing these images of resilience and everyday life, I hope to challenge viewers with a different perspective on Africa — one that moves away from clichés and is deeply rooted in human and social realities.

This collective exhibition at La Rampe, alongside artists such as Jean-Claude Partouche, Sophie Romettino, and many others, feels like the perfect setting to initiate this dialogue. One of the most fascinating aspects of this event is the exchange it fosters, as well as the human stories behind each image. I believe this experience will be enriching for both the audience and us, the artists.

JH: Your photographic style conveys an intimate connection with your subjects. How do you manage to establish this trust, especially in often challenging situations?

F : La confiance est essentielle dans mon travail. Les femmes que je photographie me connaissent, nous avons tissé des liens au fil du temps. Le projet Terre Ceinte m’a permis de comprendre leurs vies et de gagner leur confiance. Avant de capturer leur image, j’écoute, je respecte leur histoire. C’est ce lien qui transparaît dans leurs regards sur mes photos – une sincérité que seules la patience et l’écoute peuvent créer.

F: Trust is at the heart of my work. The women I photograph know me; we have built relationships over time. The Terre Ceinte project allowed me to understand their lives and earn their trust. Before taking their pictures, I listen and respect their stories. This bond is reflected in their expressions in my photos — a sincerity that only patience and attentive listening can bring to life.

JH: What message do you hope to convey with your exhibitions?

F: Le message est universel : notre humanité nous relie. Les défis de Ouagadougou ne sont pas si différents de ceux de Grenoble. Mes expositions cherchent à créer un pont entre les cultures, à rappeler que, malgré nos différences, nous partageons des espoirs et des luttes communes. J’espère que les visiteurs sortiront de l’exposition avec une nouvelle perspective, un respect pour ces vies qui, bien que lointaines, leur sont finalement proches dans leur humanité.

F: The message is universal: our shared humanity connects us. The challenges in Ouagadougou are not so different from those in Grenoble. Through my exhibitions I aim to build a bridge between cultures, reminding us that despite our differences, we share common hopes and struggles. I hope visitors leave the exhibition with a fresh perspective and a newfound respect for lives that, while distant, are ultimately close to them in their shared humanity.

Written by Joel Hevi, Jean Sovon Translated by Jean-Christophe Brunet · View original post [fr]

Originally published on Global Voices

A nurse vaccinates a baby in Accra, Ghana, in 2020. Image is public domain

By Keletso Thobega

As of August 2020, Africa was declared free of wild poliovirus, a disease that had previously paralyzed thousands of children across the continent each year. This was a major milestone in the fight against polio, which began with the World Health Organization's Global Polio Eradication Initiative in 1988. This initiative led to a 99 percent decrease in new polio cases globally.

However, a new vaccine-derived mutation of this virus has emerged in Southern Africa, largely linked to low immunization coverage.

In an online interview with Global Voices, some health experts working on the continent highlighted several challenges hindering the complete eradication of polio. They emphasized that successful eradication efforts must go beyond vaccination campaigns to include strengthening supply chain systems, ensuring that polio education and vaccines reach even the most remote and rural communities across Africa.

Village Reach, a non-profit organization that focuses on improving health products and services’ accessibility in low-income and low-resource communities, shared insights on why and how they strengthened their supply chain systems.

Luciana Maxim, director of Health Supply Chain and Lab System Strengthening at Village Reach, told Global Voices that at the end of 2021, they received funding from the Global Polio Eradication Initiative (GPEI) to conduct national assessments of the lab sample referral and transport system for polio in several countries across Africa. According to Maxim, many areas in Africa — particularly rural areas — have poor transport infrastructure, which makes it challenging to reach the communities.

For example, in some areas, some roads have potholes or are unpaved, making it difficult for vehicles to get there. In these places, healthcare workers must find other ways to distribute vaccines, which might take significant time or money, such as through bicycles or helicopters.

The same logistical challenges occur regarding the timeliness and quality of transportation for lab samples, including human and environmental samples suspected of polio. These challenges make it difficult for healthcare workers to meet WHO guidelines that infected samples should be transported to a national or international polio lab within three days of specimen collection. 

Tsedeye Girma, UNICEF’s global polio outbreak response coordinator, told Global Voices that depending on the context, they used various modes of transport to get polio vaccines to the most remote health facilities. “This includes refrigerated trucks, motorcycles, boats, pack animals, and also by foot,” she said. She added that in some countries, like Malawi and Mozambique, they have even used drones to deliver vaccines. 

Girma detailed how the recent vaccine-derived polio cases in Southern Africa were swiftly contained:

Once wild polio was detected again particularly in Malawi and Mozambique in early 2022, everyone went into emergency mode to contain these outbreaks. It was imperative to get samples to the labs as soon as possible, to raise awareness at the community and health worker level, and to catch up all children on their routine immunizations post-COVID19.  We were part of these efforts, and the wild polio outbreaks were contained quickly that same year, she noted. 

Maxim pointed out that 13 out of the 15 countries where they have been working since have experienced vaccine-derived polio outbreaks. A vaccine-derived poliovirus (VDPV) is a rare strain of poliovirus that evolves from the weakened live virus used in the oral polio vaccine (OPV). This live virus is designed to stimulate the immune system and build protection against polio. However, if it circulates in under- or unimmunized populations for long enough or replicates in an individual with an immune deficiency, it can mutate and regain the ability to cause disease.

Maxim added:

We quickly realized that, in order to help suppress outbreaks, we need an integrated approach that ensures samples for all outbreak-prone diseases reach labs within days. We took every opportunity to integrate resources, staff and data across diseases and across health system functions.

Girma said it is critical to build a decentralised presence and ties with communities. 

She explained:

We take a community-centric approach in engaging local communities as active partners in the fight to end polio. We recruited and trained thousands of local community members including traditional leaders, religious leaders, polio survivors, women groups, youth, and other community influential people to work as polio outreach workers and mobilizers.

Most households in Africa have women as breadwinners, and the majority of polio community mobilizers have been women, which is critical in areas where cultural norms restrict their male healthcare workers from entering households with only women.

This approach makes all the difference in getting the message across and ensuring children get vaccinated, Girma added. 

To enhance the reach of the vaccination campaigns, UNICEF and other stakeholders have made efforts to craft messages in a multitude of local languages, but the language barrier in polio vaccine campaigns persists. These messages are often broadcasted through megaphones by town announcers and mobile public announcement vans that traverse from one community to another.

Vaccine misinformation also remains a significant barrier to reaching children. Girma said that community mobilizers play a key role, addressing parents’ and caregivers’ concerns about vaccines during visits. 

“We also use social listening tools to track and counter false information about vaccines both online and offline. UNICEF’s digital community engagement program mobilizes over 70,000 online volunteers worldwide to counter misinformation and provide accurate and timely information about vaccines.” Some of the common falsehoods they encounter include claims that vaccines are painful and cause illness, weaken the immune system, are designed to harm young people, or are not culturally or religiously acceptable.

In a message to mark World Polio Day 2024, WHO Regional Director for Africa, Matshidiso Moeti, reported that 134 cases of polio type 2 had been detected in 2024 alone as of September 5. The circulating variant was identified in Burkina Faso, Cameroon, the Central African Republic, Chad, Mali, Niger, and Nigeria.

As polio eradication efforts continue, Maxim and Girma express hope that governments, the private sector, and non-governmental organizations will collaborate to combat vaccine misinformation. They also stress the importance of prioritizing funding to strengthen supply chain systems, ensuring equitable access to vaccines and healthcare services across the continent.

Written by Guest Contributor

Originally published on Global Voices

A screenshot of an old woman at the Dadaab Refugee Camp from the documentary Radio Dadaab by the Environmental Justice Foundation (EJF), used with permission. 

In the documentary Radio Dadaab, produced by the Environmental Justice Foundation(EJF), Fardowsa Sirat Gele remarked, “Back in 1991, during the civil war in Somalia, these people were fleeing from war. But this time, we are seeing more people fleeing Somalia because of drought.”

Sirat, a 25-year-old refugee journalist from Dadaab Camp, the world's largest refugee camp located in Kenya, near the Somalia border, provides insight into the challenges faced by refugees in the camp. The documentary, which was produced during EJF's visit to the camp, captures the experiences of several refugees and highlights how extreme weather events, exacerbated by climate change, are driving a significant increase in migration and displacement. The investigation also reveals the links between global heating and generations of climate migration. 

Dadaab Refugee Camp

Children at the Dadaab Refugee Camp. Photo by EJF, used with permission.

Kenya's Dadaab Refugee Camp houses over 300,000 refugees, primarily from Somalia but also from other parts of Africa. While residents of the camp have access to basic necessities such as food, education, healthcare, commerce, and recreational activities, their movement is restricted to within 50 kilometres (about 31 miles) of the camp. Refugees are not allowed to establish permanent settlements, and individuals like Serat, who was born and raised in the camp, face profound identity challenges. The Kenyan government does not issue birth certificates to these individuals, and returning to their home countries to obtain documentation is not an option due to the prolonged war and conflict in Somalia that has been raging for decades.

Meanwhile, in 2022, the Kenyan government passed the Refugee Act 2021, which states that the refugee camps will be turned into integrated settlements, thus creating opportunities to integrate the refugees into the host community. The Act offers refugees freedom of movement, the right to work, and access to financial services, among other rights.

An aerial view of Dadaab Refugee Camp. Photo by EJF, used with permission.

Consequences of the climate crisis

The number of people displaced within their own countries is increasing. Between 2013 and 2023, extreme weather events caused an annual average of 23.6 million people worldwide to be displaced within their own countries, with internal displacements reaching 32.6 million in 2022 alone. The report shares the impacts of these devastating weather events alongside stories of multi-generational climate refugees in their own words, many for the first time.

The consequences of global heating have been felt keenly in the Horn of Africa, where Somali refugees are finding themselves on the frontlines of the climate crisis, despite contributing almost nothing to the carbon emissions fuelling climate breakdown. In 2019, Somalia had a per capita carbon footprint barely one-fifth of the European Union’s and the entire continent of Africa only contributes around 3.8 percent of global greenhouse gas emissions. At the same time, climate modelling reveals that as a conservative estimate, events like the drought that has unfolded in the Horn of Africa are 100 times more likely due to human-indicated climate change. 

The devastating consequences this has had on people’s lives is evidenced by the population living inside Dadaab Refugee Camp, which has been referred to as an “open-air prison,” EJF’s new report says. The camp was originally designed to accommodate 90,000 people, largely consisting of Somali refugees fleeing the 1991 civil war in Somalia.

However, according to the NGO’s report, the population has since increased to over three and a half times that size. Between 2022 and 2023, Dadaab experienced an influx of refugees due to droughts and conflict, which caused the camp’s population to swell from 234,000 in July 2022 to 320,000 in March 2023.

In 2024, severe flooding across East Africa displaced many Somali refugees, forcing them to endure similar hardships in Kenyan refugee camps. According to the EJF's latest report, the intensity of such crises is projected to escalate without urgent intervention and sustained support from the international community.

The EJF team visited the Dadaab Camp in September 2022, following the largest arrival of climate refugees in decades. As evidenced in the documentary, during this trip, the Dadaab residents told EJF how the drought had decimated their cattle and ruined their crops, forcing them to leave their homes and seek refuge. 

One single mother of seven, Halima Hassan Ibrahim, who lives with disabilities in Dadaab told the NGO: “We had ten cows and 50 goats. All of the cows and goats died and everything else was destroyed. I’m a mother and a father for my kids, and I don’t have anything for them.”

According to EJF, the situation has worsened significantly since then, with over 23.5 million people suffering from acute food insecurity in the region at the height of the drought in May 2023. 8.25 million people in Somalia — almost half of the country’s population — were in need of life-saving assistance, and 43,000 people died, with half the deaths among children under 5 years old.

Confronting this crisis together

To address the drought, Somalia’s Federal Government initiated a USD 420 million suite of World Bank-financed initiatives, including the Somalia Urban Resilience Project (Nagaad), through which emergency relief and cash assistance were provided to over 400,000 internally displaced persons arriving in already overstretched urban centers like Mogadishu, Baidoa, and Garowe.

Steve Trent, CEO and Founder of the Environmental Justice Foundation, noted in an email to Global Voices:

The significant loss of life, forced displacement and widespread suffering caused by the climate crisis, revealed by our investigation, is a choice. Every fossil fuel CEO prioritising profit over people, every world leader failing to deliver the urgent change we need, is actively picking this course. It’s time to chart another, and for the international community to act quickly and decisively. We call for the international legal framework for the protection of refugees to incorporate and protect climate refugees. We have no time to lose when it comes to global decarbonisation, mitigating global heating and upholding the basic human rights of those most impacted by the climate crisis.

Fardowsa Sirat Gele, a reporter for Radio Gargaar, concluded,

The injustice is stark: those who have contributed the least to global emissions are the first to lose everything. Ignoring this urgent call will not only widen the divide between rich and poor nations but will also fuel conflict, poverty, and instability worldwide. We owe it to the most vulnerable — and to future generations — to confront this crisis with bold action and compassion. A united global response is essential — not only to mitigate future harm but to uphold justice and compassion in the face of this urgent challenge. Let’s protect our most vulnerable and ensure a world where all can thrive.

Written by Zita Zage

Originally published on Global Voices

Picture by somalilandstandard, Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons.

By Mohamed Osman Guudle

The political landscape of the Horn of Africa is one of the world's most complex and contentious. Its epicenter is the longstanding conflict between Somalia and Somaliland with roots in history, colonial legacies, and competing national identities.

In January 2025, Somalia will be taking its seat at the UN Security Council for two years.

But while the world has been talking about Somalia and its problems with terrorism, governance, and security, very little attention has been paid to the Republic of Somaliland, recognized internationally as part of Somalia, although the latter reinstated its lost independence of June 26, 1960, on May 18, 1991.

A tale of two histories

To understand the conflict between contemporary Somalia and Somaliland, one has to consider the colonial legacy that was wrought upon the two. During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, European powers divided the Horn of Africa into five distinct areas. The northern part of it was under the administration of Britain, forming a protectorate named British Somaliland, while Italy ruled the southern portion of Somalia.

Whereas British Somaliland had a more hands-off system, Italian Somalia experienced more direct colonial administration; the two united upon gaining independence in 1960 (June 26 for Somaliland, July 1 for Somalia) into the Somali Republic through the pan-Somali ideal of an integrated nation-state bringing together all Somali-speaking peoples, also including those in Ethiopia, Kenya, and Djibouti.

This unity, however, was fragile from the outset. The northern region, having fallen under British rule, felt politically and culturally detached from the southern-dominated government in Mogadishu. Quite simply, Somaliland's colonial history sharply contrasted with that of the south, leaving a legacy of distrust.

The fall of the Somali Republic and the restoration of Somaliland's independence

The Somali Republic was relatively stable until the 1970s, when Siad Barre‘s military regime seized power in a coup. Barre's government initially espoused a sort of “scientific socialism” and national unity but quickly fell into rank authoritarianism, driving growing discontent among the people of Somaliland.

In the late 1980s, in the north, an opposition movement was formed: the Somali National Movement (SNM). It demanded autonomy in the wake of ruthless government repression. Between 1987 and 1989, an estimated 200,000 people were massacred by Barre’s forces, and millions fled to neighboring countries. The conflict raged on, and, by 1991, when the central government fell and Barre was ousted, the northern region unilaterally restored its independence under the name of the Republic of Somaliland. Since then, Somaliland has operated in relative stability, forging its own government, military, and institutions, but it has never been recognized by the international community.

Somalia's territorial integrity vs Somaliland's quest for recognition

The genesis of disagreement between Somalia and Somaliland finds its basis in two opposing narratives: the status quo of a territorial integrity that Somalia ascribes to, juxtaposed with Somaliland's claim for independence based upon a unique identity with historical autonomy.

To Somalia, Somaliland's separation means a violation of its territorial integrity. The government of Somalia still considers Somaliland an “integral part of the Somali Republic” and says that recognizing Somaliland would create a dangerous precedent on the whole African continent for “separatist movements.”

The government of Somalia, with support from the African Union (AU) and United Nations, prioritizes national unity to ensure regional stability. It advocates for reconciliation and peaceful conflict resolution within Somalia’s recognized borders, emphasizing cooperation against threats like al-Shabaab, piracy, and clan conflicts. The government promotes a federal system granting regional powers while rejecting any secession.

For Somaliland, its desire to be recognized comes from a history that makes it a separate entity prior to unification in 1960. The restoration of independence in 1991 was driven by a desire to escape the chaos and violent conflict that raged in southern Somalia after the collapse of its central government.

For Somaliland, its stability is proof of its ability to govern itself, ensuring peace and order. It has developed its own functioning political system, held several free elections, and developed a relatively strong economy based on trade, livestock, and remittances from the Somaliland diaspora.

The leaders of the Somaliland government insist that the Somali Republic did not defend the north, and therefore Somaliland's people have every right to self-determination, just like any other nation. They refer to the international recognition accorded to other self-declared states, such as Kosovo, and argue that their case should be treated no differently.

Somalia's seat in the Security Council

Somalia's UNSC seat solidifies its monopoly on representing all Somali people, including Somaliland, on the world stage and enables it to advance its diplomatic agenda against Somaliland's independence. This presents a nightmare for Somaliland, given that the international community is unlikely to move toward recognizing Somaliland while Somalia is actively engaged in global diplomacy.

The global community is sensitive to the explosive situation in the Horn of Africa and the growing need to find solutions to the many conflicts across the region. However, it remains divided on the issue of Somaliland's independence. While informal diplomacy by countries such as Ethiopia and Kenya has been exercised with Somaliland, supporting its autonomy in various ways, they have held back from formally recognizing it, due to apprehensions over the wider regional implications of supporting secession.

It is for this reason that the AU has always stuck to the letter on the issue of territorial integrity in Africa and is apprehensive that recognizing Somaliland would promote more “fragmentation” in Africa-especially where other “secessionist” movements occur.

However, Somaliland's leaders argue that their case is not secessionist and should not be put within the context of larger continental politics. They underline the fact that this matter for them has to do with self-determination and a government of Somalia that has failed to provide stability and inclusivity representative of all its peoples.

No likely solution

While much of the Horn of Africa faces political and security problems, the dispute between Somalia and Somaliland still represents a fundamental divide that has not been overcome. The absence of relevant initiatives for recognition on the part of Somalia or a commitment to a reconciliation process that would take into consideration the aspirations of both regions, means the international community is unlikely to make a move in this regard.

Somaliland’s pursuit of independence is steeped in a separate identity, traumatic war, and an experience of repression under the central government of Somalia. For Somalia, the goal is unity in a region prone to instability and ensuring sovereignty.

For now, these two narratives — unity or self-determination — have reached an impasse, with the future of the Horn of Africa hanging in the balance.

Dr. Mohamed Osman Guudle is a Somaliland scholar specializing in Economics, Political Science, and International Relations. He holds a PhD from Istanbul University (2019) and is a researcher based in Hargeisa, Somaliland. His focus is on the political and economic issues of the Horn of Africa, particularly Somaliland, Ethiopia, Djibouti, and the Red Sea region. Additionally, he serves as the president of the Somaliland Society of Political Scientists (SSPS), a nonprofit organization dedicated to advancing the study and research of political science.

Written by Guest Contributor

Originally published on Global Voices

A collage of Solomon Grundy (center), Lisette Emmanuelle Waffo (left), and Blanche Carelle Njoussi (right) against the backdrop of Mount Cameroon and an old map of Old Cameroon. Illustration by Minority Africa, used with permission.

This story was written by Erwin Ayota and originally published by Minority Africa on November 9th, 2024. This expanded version is republished below as part of a content-sharing agreement.

Willeam Bille Ekongolo, known as Solomon Grundy 237 on TikTok, is a skilled communicator who educates and engages his audience through captivating storytelling. This 32-year-old web journalist reviews current events in Cameroon, shares insights on word origins, and addresses the challenges faced by individuals with albinism.

There are approximately 2,200 individuals with albinism in Cameroon, and in Sub-Saharan Africa, the condition affects one in every 5,000 people. Albinism is a condition where the skin has a significant melanin deficit and lacks pigmentation. It is also associated with high rates of skin cancer and vision issues. There remain many cultural stereotypes about people with albinoism across Sub-Sharan Africa including Cameroon, as they have traditionally been associated with witchcraft and often face social ostracisation.

Willeam is one of several persons with albinism reshaping perceptions in Cameroon's social media landscape. Growing up, he was sheltered from stigma by his family but soon learned the harsh realities of life with albinism when he reached adulthood.

Willeam tells Minority Africa he started watching YouTube videos and discovered a new world: content creation. “Guys who were able to teach and entertain you on a platform other than television,” he says. “This style of consuming programmes changed my life because I realised I could watch them immediately after and not wait for a rebroadcast”.

With a degree in mass communication and journalism and a specialisation in social majors, Willeam felt prepared to enter a field often dominated by entertainment-focused creators. “I had to break the ground and bring something other than entertainment”.

Overcoming challenges

Five years later, Willeam boasts an impressive following of 70,000 across various platforms, thanks to his educational content. Getting to this level has seldom been a walk in the park.

Persons with albinism in Cameroon have for centuries suffered prejudice rooted in age-old cultural stigma and beliefs. Some common barriers include social isolation, familial and community rejection, ritual hunts and mutilations. People with albinism are often called by the derisive terms “ngengeru” or “mukala” in Cameroon.

For children, their peers tend to ignore or avoid them out of fear, wonder or contempt for their complexion differences. At barbershops, they take home their cut hair over suspicion of it being used for malicious aims. As adults, persons with albinism grapple with prejudices that complicate everything from job hunting to finding a partner.

Despite these challenges, positive changes are emerging through education and awareness campaigns. The Unites Nations’ International Albinism Awareness Day on June 13th highlights the strides being made by human rights organisations.  When Willeam began his journey in 2019, he faced low engagement and admitted, “If you’re not mentally strong, you can give up.” However, the drive to build a supportive community and educate others kept him going.

He also endures slurs and taunts online. “When some people don’t agree with me, they remind me that I am an albino,” he says. Over time, he learned to block negativity, emphasising the importance of mental health.

Fulfilment and achievements

Despite setbacks, Willeam finds joy in researching, learning, and sharing his findings. His passion for history, research and discovery has resulted in an important database of content about Cameroon, making his TikTok a go-to resource for many seeking to understand the origin of names, things, places, and terms they hear and use regularly but are unaware of how it came about. This work has fostered a renewed appreciation for Cameroonian languages and traditions.

By joining trends and engaging in various forms of audiovisual storytelling, Willeam has also raised awareness about albinism within Cameroonian society, encouraging his followers to overcome long-standing stereotypes and prejudices.

His followers say his work has helped them find job opportunities, and he has received heartfelt appreciation from his community. However, his proudest moment came when his father recognised his work after Willeam made a video explaining the term “ngengeru”.

My dad came from work one day and asked when I made it, that it helped his colleagues who were sharing the video without knowing it was his son and it made him happy.

Wider representation

For people with albinism, 2024 has been a landmark year. Blanche Carelle Njoussi became the first person with albinism to compete for the national crown of Miss Cameroon, with the 26-year-old representing the North West region and winning acclaim as second runner-up. Since her crowning as Miss Albino in 2022, she has advocated via social media for increased awareness around albinism.

Lisette Emmanuelle Waffo, a renowned voice-over artist in Cameroon, is also making waves. Her voice is instantly recognisable as the popular mobile telecom automated responder:

 votre correspondant n’est pas disponible pour le moment, veuillez rappeler ultérieurement…

your correspondent is not available at the moment, please call back later…

She built confidence in communication as a radio animator. Her voice quickly became on demand, gracing campaigns for multiple local, multinational and international companies. Lisette popularised the profession and developed a template for voice-over training peculiar to Cameroonian phonetics. She has organised and contributed to workshops on professional voice-over skills and also coached and connected many youths to opportunities in the field.

The entertainment sector is also seeing transformative figures like Emma Morgan, Boy TAG and Mola Mongombe. At a time when folkloric music is getting mass appeal from the younger generation in Cameroon, Mola Mongombe is a fan favourite with hit records like “Moname,” “Jongele,” and “Dora Love.” His unique artistry and style have propelled him to a symbol of pride and admiration for the Bakweri tribe. These earned him a brand ambassador deal with one of the leading telecommunications companies in the country.

According to VOA News, the government of Cameroon has taken steps to promote the socio-economic integration and protection of individuals with albinism. Several organizations, including Under The Same Sun, the World Association for Advocacy and Solidarity of Albinos, and theAssociation for the Promotion of Albinos in Cameroon, are actively working to advocate for and defend the rights of persons with albinism in the country.

Aspirations

While the feedback and valuable interaction with followers always make him happy, Willeam admits to having bigger ambitions. “My objective is developing an online TV in the domain of education and journalism,” he says. The plan includes collaborating with other creators to share knowledge not typically covered in schools about Cameroon and Africa.

To achieve these goals, Willeam stresses the importance of parental involvement.

Parents should educate their children. When your child makes fun of an albino child, tell them, ‘You shouldn’t do that, that’s a child like you’.

He urges individuals with albinism to embrace leadership roles and transform perceived weaknesses into strengths. “ Let’s rather transform our weaknesses as strengths. Whatever your skin colour or nature, do what you have to do and do it well.”

Written by Minority Africa

Originally published on Global Voices

The sixth European Union/Africa Union Summit in Brussels. From left to right:
Ursula von der Leyen, President of the European Commission, Jean-Michel Sama Lukonde, Prime Minister of the Democratic Republic of Congo; Charles Michel, President of the European Council, and Emmanuel Macron, President of France.  Image by EC – Audiovisual Service on Wikimedia Commons (CC BY 4.0).

For decades, the narrative surrounding Africa-Europe relations has often been one of dependence and aid. Africa, a continent of immense diversity, is home to over 1.5 billion people and boasts the youngest, fastest-growing middle class in the world.

Despite its vibrant youth population and abundant natural resources, this continent is still struggling to establish itself in the global world order. But a change might be brewing, and nowhere is this more evident than in the evolving relationships between Africa, China, Russia, the United States (US), and the European Union (EU).

Over the past two decades, China has become a significant economic actor in Africa, drawing increasing attention from Europe and the rest of the world. With unprecedented access to Africa’s vast mineral wealth, this Asian economic powerhouse appears to have gotten a head start in terms of economic dealings across the continent.

While the US-backed Lobito Corridor initiative was announced in October 2023 as an effort to strengthen African partnerships, China recently expanded its influence by eliminating tariffs on goods from the world's least-developed countries with diplomatic ties to Beijing, including 33 African nations.

In addition, with the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), China's massive intercontinental development plan, in 2013, China has significantly expanded its influence and ambition across Africa. Chinese investments have surged across the continent, with Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) reaching USD 5 billion in 2021. By 2022, the leading recipients of Chinese investment included South Africa, Niger, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Egypt, and Cote d’Ivoire.

This has created some complicated international dynamics, as Western players are ill at ease with Africa’s diversification of partners. Europe is particularly uncomfortable with Russia’s growing footprint in the continent. As the largest supplier of arms to Africa, Russia has an increasing military presence in Africa and maintains cooperation agreements with 43 African countries. The growing foothold of the controversial Russian mercenary Wagner group, which is closely linked to the political establishment in Moscow, has also raised deep concerns in Europe and beyond.  

Historically, the United States and Europe have believed they are the main players in Africa’s external relations. Throughout history, Africa has attracted significant international interest because of its vast natural resources and economic potential. This has continually raised questions about the intentions of global partnerships and relations with Africa. For instance, many were skeptical about the burgeoning China-Africa relationship of the past decade, as some wondered whether it was a form of neocolonialism. Others believe that Europe’s recent desire to engage Africa is motivated by a sense of perceived competition — a rivalry and competition for influence and resources between the United States, Russia, and China, which has become increasingly visible across the continent.

The European Union's relationship with Africa

In more recent years, the European Union has become Africa’s largest trading partner, a leading foreign direct investor, and the principal provider of development assistance. This dynamic has evolved into an Africa-Europe partnership dubbed the EU’s Global Gateway Strategy. Unveiled in December 2021 by the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, she described it as a template for how Europe can build more resilient connections with the world, with Africa at the heart of the vision.

While the EU’s Joint Communication that launched Global Gateway in 2021 does not explicitly mention China, the European Democracy Hub notes that most observers view the policy as a clear attempt to provide an alternative to China’s Belt and Road Initiative. Out of the 300 billion euros budgeted by the EU, 150 billion is projected to go toward infrastructure projects in Africa. 

What’s in it for the EU?

The EU’s Global Gateway isn’t operating in a vacuum. Through the African Union Agenda 2063 blueprint, initiatives such as the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), the African Visa-free Area, and the Single African Digital Market have drawn global attention. Similarly, Africa’s ascendancy into the G20 (now G21) in September 2023 secured its place as a vital player on the global stage. In essence, Europe and Africa aren’t just neighbours, Europe needs Africa, and Africa needs Europe.

The success of the Global Gateway Strategy hinges on Europe’s ability to build trust with African nations. Nigeria, for example, one of the continent’s largest economies, has yet to sign the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) for West Africa, fearing it would expose the country’s industries and small businesses to external pressures and competition. Bottlenecks such as this raise a recurring question when engaging with the EU: “What’s in it for Europe?” And more importantly, “At what cost to Africa?”

Even though the EU has self-serving interests, the aim of its Global Gateway Initiative (GGI) is to bridge Africa’s vast digital divide. This contest not only pits Europe against China and other global powers but also makes Africa a central battleground with teeming suitors. Without mincing words, one of Europe’s interests is access to African raw materials. Europe is not shy to admit it needs materials such as copper, nickel, lithium, cobalt and other rare earth essentials from Africa for its green energy transition and “green” reindustrialization.

According to documents obtained when nineteen (19) African Union Media Fellows paid a visit to the European Parliament in June 2024, out of the 225 flagship EU projects approved in 2023 and 2024, 116 are in Africa, and of the 114 Team Europe Initiatives, 75 target Africa.

Even though the European Union considers Africa a privileged partner of strategic importance, there will always be concerns on the continent about how private-sector investment translates into tangible benefits for Africans.

For instance, despite the global interest in mining cobalt from the DRC, it hasn’t led to any visible improvements in the country. Instead, it has plunged the country into severe conflict as the world scrambles for its natural resources. So, while the Global Gateway offers undeniable potential for Africa’s economic growth, the pressing question is how to ensure that Africa is protected in this new partnership. 

The road ahead

The EU’s Global Gateway is an ambitious undertaking that, if successful, could usher in a new era of partnership and shared prosperity for Africa and Europe. With 11 of the world's 20 fastest-growing economies in Africa, according to the African Development Bank‘s macroeconomic performance and outlook report, Africa is the second-fastest growing region after Asia. It remains to be seen whether this partnership is the “win-win” touted by Brussels or a mere attempt to restore colonial and post-colonial relations with Africa. 

Written by Adesewa Olofinko

Originally published on Global Voices

Screenshot of some of Nigeria's women politicians from YouTube video, ‘2023 Elections: Trials, Triumphs Of Nigerian Women In Politics | Gist Nigeria‘ by Channels Television. Fair use.

As more African nations seek to encourage gender parity in government positions, some African countries are struggling to fully integrate women into the political sphere. A recent report by the Policy and Legacy Advocacy Centre (PLAC), an independent, non-partisan, non-profit capacity-building organization that works to strengthen democratic governance and citizens’ participation in Nigeria, revealed that Nigeria ranks lowest among Sub-Saharan African countries in terms of women’s representation in parliament.

Out of the 185 countries analyzed in the report, Rwanda ranked highest in Africa, with women making up 61.3 percent of its parliament, while Nigeria ranked 180th, with only 4.4 percent female representation.

The data shows that Nigeria's 360-member House of Representatives currently has 16 women, and the 109-member Senate has just four women. Furthermore, 14 of Nigeria's 36 states have no female state legislators. Even in states with female legislators, their numbers remain disproportionately low. The situation is similarly bleak for elective executive positions: since the return to democratic rule in 1999, no woman has been elected president, vice president, or governor in Nigeria.

This low level of representation fails to reflect the population of women in Nigeria. In fact, statistics from the World Bank have shown that women and girls constitute half of the population of the most populous country in Africa.

In alignment with the principles and guidelines of the International Bill of Human Rights, the UN Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women, the International Conference on Population and Development Programme of Action, and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, the Nigerian government has made efforts toward gender equality by formulating the National Gender Policy in 2006, which promotes a 35 percent affirmative action for women in governance processes.

Despite this policy and numerous other efforts that have been made, Nigeria has maintained the lowest rate of women's parliamentary representation in Africa, with a steady decline in numbers since 2011. The reasons behind this underrepresentation of women can be attributed to unfavorable political systems and socio-cultural practices.

Unfavorable political systems

The majority of African countries with a high or proportional representation of women in parliament have adopted constitutional, legislative, and party quotas to ensure women have a fair chance of being elected into office. However, this is not the case in some Anglophone countries in Africa, like Nigeria and Ghana, which use the plurality-majority electoral system. This system is less favorable to women candidates, as political parties win and allocate legislative seats based on the proportion of votes they receive in elections.

Male politicians dominate leadership roles within most political parties in Nigeria. These political parties usually fail to create a supportive environment or infrastructure for their women members. Hence, these women face difficulties in getting party nominations to run for office during the general election.

In Nigeria, the few women who manage to overcome the hurdles of gender discrimination usually cannot meet the financial obligations that come with vying for political offices in Nigeria since elections are highly monetized in the country. Only those who have powerful support among the party leaders and abundant financial resources to donate “gifts” to the party stakeholders are nominated as candidates.

Ayisha Osori, writer, lawyer, and social justice advocate, who ran for the People's Democratic Party's ticket to Nigeria's House of Representatives in 2015 and lost, said this about low women representation in Nigerian politics: “Elections in Nigeria are monetized and transactional, and women are already socially disadvantaged considering that in Nigeria, the fastest way to be rich is to be in government… If women are not in politics, then they cannot raise money, and if they cannot raise money, then they cannot be in politics.”

Another important issue that bars women from participating is electoral gender-based violence. Nigerian elections are often marred with violence, and women candidates and voters are always among the victims of various forms of politically-motivated gender-based violence.

One of the survivors of electoral gender-based violence during the 2023 presidential elections is Jennifer Bina Ifedi, who returned to her polling unit to cast her vote after she was attacked and injured by political thugs in Lagos. There are many more examples of gender-based electoral violence targeting women that are unreported due to inadequate media coverage.

Cultural and societal barriers

Although Nigeria's constitution grants women the right to vote and be elected, many cultural and societal barriers still prevent them from participating fully in politics and holding leadership positions. In various ethnic groups across the country, conservative beliefs persist that cast women as unequal to men and unfit for leadership roles.

Some religious practices in Nigeria also oppose gender equality, limiting women's opportunities to hold leadership positions. These socio-cultural norms have fueled the widespread belief that women, regardless of their skills or education, are primarily suited for domestic roles. For many, a woman's decision to run for public office is seen as defying societal expectations, making it a challenging and audacious pursuit.

To address this underrepresentation, experts have urged the National Assembly to enact the Gender and Equal Opportunities Bill sponsored by Senator Abiodun Olujimi of the Peoples Democratic Party to “promote equal opportunities and counter sociocultural barriers that prevent women and girls from reaching their full potential.” This bill proposes a 35 percent quota for women in both federal and state legislative seats, as well as party leadership positions. The Inter-Parliamentary Union has also called on Nigerian stakeholders to “use the current electoral process to raise public awareness about the importance of women’s participation in elections, and in parliamentary membership and political leadership.”

Written by Abdulrosheed Fadipe

Originally published on Global Voices

Indigenous children in Tanzania using a laptop. Image by Kureng Workx, from Pexels (Free to use).

The tech giant Google announced that 15 more African languages would be added to Voice Search, Gboard talk-to-type, and Translate dictation on October 28. The languages included are Chichewa, Hausa, Igbo, Kikuyu, Oromo, Rundi, Shona, Somali, South Ndebele, Swati, Tigrinya, Twi, Tswana, Nigerian Pidgin, and Yoruba.  

This significant milestone will enable 300 million more Africans to interact with the web using their voices, yet it also sheds light on the massive amount of work needed to close the digital gap between Africa and the rest of the world. 

The African continent is the second most populous continent in the world, with a population of over 1.34 billion people. A study published by Statista in July 2024 showed that Africa is the most multilingual continent in the world, as there are about 2,158 living languages on the continent. While about 25 percent (520) of these languages are spoken in Nigeria, 277 and 214 languages are spoken in Cameroon and the Democratic Republic of Congo, respectively. The least linguistically diverse country in Africa is Seychelles, where only four languages are spoken.

Following the announcement, Alamazan Jak, a user from Busoga, Uganda, wrote the following comment in response to the announcement in Google's translation community:

Congratulations on the exciting announcement! Expanding dictation to 13 African languages is a significant milestone. Your dedication to inclusivity and diversity is truly commendable.

However, I couldn't help but notice that Lusoga, a vital language spoken in Eastern Uganda, is not among the listed languages. As a proud speaker of Lusoga, I eagerly await its inclusion.

Could you please share any plans or timelines for adding Lusoga to Google Translate's supported languages? Your consideration would mean a great deal to the Lusoga-speaking community.

Thank you for your tireless efforts in breaking language barriers. I look forward to your response. 

This comment shows that Lusoga and thousands of other African languages are still excluded, even as users are hungry for greater language representation. Lusoga (Soga) is a language spoken by over 3 million people in Uganda.

As artificial intelligence (AI) technologies continue to develop and gain traction around the world, they are being integrated into many tools to automate daily tasks, in many cases making people's lives and work easier. Although the adoption of AI tools is growing in Africa every day, many users cannot access them in their languages yet. If languages like Soga are not included in the development of these tools, hundreds of millions of Africans may not benefit from the limitless opportunities offered by AI. This exclusion will further exacerbate the technology gap between Africa and the rest of the world. 

The digital language barrier can impede the economic growth of many African countries by hindering speakers of Indigenous languages from accessing job opportunities and online markets. Excluding African Indigenous languages from the development of AI tools used in schools could negatively impact the education systems of many nations. Meanwhile, the use of AI in education across the continent remains as low as 12 percent.

Opportunities for language inclusion in Africa

Agriculture is the pillar of Africa’s economy. The agricultural sector is a major contributor to the GDP of many African countries. Over 43 percent of Africa’s economically active population eke out their living from farming in remote areas. However, many African smallholder farmers are facing challenges such as unpredictable weather, product insecurity, inadequate logistic infrastructure, limited access to formal financial services, limited access to digital marketplaces, economic downturns, illiteracy of many farmers, and more. The use of AI-powered digital technologies has proven effective in mitigating these challenges. However, the majority of these tools are not accessible in the farmers’ local languages.

Africa boasts many cultural heritage and diverse traditions. Language is the bedrock of these rich heritage and traditions. Languages serve as reservoirs of knowledge and traditions, but they are also the medium through which the cultural heritage of a group of people is preserved and passed from one generation to another.

Seeing the alarming rate at which languages are dying, the United Nations (UN) proclaimed a decade to protect endangered languages and preserve humanity’s common heritage in 2022. About 523 of the 3,000 dying and endangered languages that will become extinct in the world by the end of the 21st century are spoken in Africa. The exclusion of these vulnerable languages from the development of digital technologies will accelerate the threat posed by extinction. 

Many African entrepreneurs, developers, and researchers have risen to the occasion, implementing initiatives that integrate African languages into technologies. A good example is a startup in Nigeria, Awarri, working on creating Nigeria’s first multilingual Large Language Model. A Kenyan startup, Code Vast, is also using AI to provide fast healthcare guidance in local Kenyan languages like Swahili, Meru, Kikuyu, and Luo. Lelapa AI is developing machine learning tools that are specifically designed for African contexts. Another Nigerian Startup, Crop2Cash, created an automated phone system technology called FarmAdvice. The AI-powered device allows smallholder farmers to access real-time, personalized agricultural knowledge and extension services in their local languages by dialing a toll-free number on any type of device, 24/7. 

While all these efforts are ongoing to bridge this language gap, there is still a need to integrate more languages, especially those spoken in regions where there is no ongoing or little effort to bridge the digital divide. Tech giants such as Meta, Amazon, Uber, IBM, AWS and other organizations whose technologies are widely used in Africa need to get involved by also prioritizing the integration of minority African languages in their product development. There is a need for concerted efforts between local startups and government bodies to create local technologies in order to reach the areas that foreign companies do not cover. 

Written by Abdulrosheed Fadipe

Originally published on Global Voices

Nigeria's 2015 Presidential election voting in Abuja. Image by U.S. Embassy / Idika Onyukwu, from Flickr (CC BY-SA 2.0 DEED).

In Pakistan’s 2024 elections, while behind bars, former Prime Minister Imran Khan managed to reach over 250,000 viewers on YouTube through an Artificial Intelligence (AI)-generated video. His message, delivered via the internet, reached a massive audience despite his physical absence from the campaign trail. This striking use of AI highlighted the growing influence of digital tools in modern politics, demonstrating how, even under challenging circumstances, technology is reshaping the way politicians engage with voters.

As the “Year of Democracy” nears its end, several key elections have already been held, while others are still on the horizon. This supercharged election year has seen 72 countries — representing over half of the world’s population — head to the polls. Africa, in particular, has been a focal point, with 16 national elections, double the number from 2023. The widespread availability of AI tools like ChatGPT and AI-driven video and image generators has given political parties new ways to connect with voters, engage them, and shape public opinion. 

However, these technologies do more than provide new opportunities; they introduce complex challenges, particularly in combating misinformation and ensuring the ethical use of data. The question remains: Are these technologies truly benefiting democratic processes, or are they creating new obstacles that need to be addressed?

In an interview with the Global Investigative Journalist Network, Victoria Turk of The Rest of The World, an organization that tracks AI use in elections globally, highlighted this dual nature of AI. She noted:

…when people think about elections and generative AI, they think automatically about disinformation, misinformation, deep fakes, and intentionally misleading voters. We are seeing some of that, but there are also other creative uses of this technology. In some cases, we’re seeing political parties and campaigns using this tech to better reach voters, spread their campaign materials, and provide information.

Voter engagement in a digital world

The shift towards digital campaigning is undeniable. AI tools allow political parties to connect with their constituents more efficiently and effectively than ever before. In countries like India, with a registered electorate of 968 million, many candidates have used AI-powered avatars to engage with voters on an individual level. This hyper-personalized approach is believed to enhance candidates’ political appeal by showing voters that they are attuned to specific concerns.

In addition to personalized engagement, AI has also been instrumental in overcoming linguistic barriers in India’s diverse electorate. Prime Minister Narendra Modi, for instance, used the government’s AI-powered tool Bhashini to deliver speeches in Hindi that were translated in real-time into Tamil, Kannada, Bengali, Telugu, Odia, and Malayalam. While AI bots may struggle with dialects and are susceptible to inaccurate translations, they help candidates reach more voters by bridging language divides.

Ethical considerations and the digital divide

Despite its potential, the rise of AI in elections comes with ethical challenges, particularly concerning data privacy, misinformation, and equity. To combat AI-driven misinformation, the Indian government has taken proactive steps by issuing a deepfake and AI advisory. This advisory obligates platforms to clearly inform users that posting deepfakes can lead to criminal prosecution under the law, signaling a strong stance against AI misuse. This is a crucial measure in maintaining election integrity and ensuring that AI is used responsibly in the political arena.

Similarly, in Nigeria, concerns over the use of voter data in targeted campaigns have prompted calls for stricter regulations on how data is collected and used. The Nigeria Data Protection Act (NDPA) 2023 is designed to address these concerns, mandating high data protection standards for data controllers and processors. Political parties must ensure that AI is deployed in a manner that respects data privacy and complies with protection regulations, such as the European Union's General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), to maintain voter trust.

Furthermore, the digital divide remains a significant obstacle in many regions. While AI has enhanced voter engagement in urban centers, rural voters often remain disconnected. Although mobile technology has made strides in bridging this gap, more must be done to ensure that every citizen has access to the information needed to participate fully in the democratic process.

Combating mis and disinformation with AI fact-checking

As misinformation and disinformation become an increasingly significant threat to democracy, AI is also playing a vital role in countering its spread. AI-powered fact-checking tools have been deployed by civil society groups and independent fact-checkers to combat this issue. 

One recent example is the 2023 Turkish elections, where deepfakes were used to discredit opposition leaders. AI-generated videos falsely linking political figures to criminal activities went viral, demonstrating both the risks and the potential of AI in combating disinformation. To mitigate such dangers, AI is being deployed to fact-check rapidly and ensure that voters are not misled by fabricated content. Platforms like Full Fact in the UK and Africa Check in South Africa use AI to scan political speeches, news stories, and social media posts for misinformation.

AI’s ability to scan and identify false information in real time could be a game changer in mitigating the negative impact of deepfakes and other forms of digital manipulation. However, it also requires constant vigilance and improvements.

AI and political polarization

AI algorithms on social media platforms, such as Facebook, X (formerly Twitter), and YouTube, have been shown to significantly influence political polarization. These algorithms are designed to maximize user engagement by curating content that aligns with users’ existing views, often reinforcing their beliefs and leading to echo chambers. This can increase partisan animosity, especially in highly polarized countries like the US and Brazil.

Research highlights that while social media platforms may not be the root cause of polarization, their design can exacerbate it. Studies have found that users exposed to content on these platforms are more likely to become entrenched in their views, leading to deeper political divides. For instance, these platforms use algorithms that promote content that elicits emotional responses, which often amplifies divisive and polarizing political messages.​

​Efforts to combat this issue, such as adjusting algorithms to promote diverse perspectives, are crucial. However, such initiatives are often short-lived due to fears of losing user engagement and profitability.

Blockchain and transparent voting systems

Beyond voter engagement and fact-checking, blockchain technology has emerged as a tool to ensure transparency in elections. While blockchain has often been associated with finance and cryptocurrency, its potential for securing the integrity of elections is now being tested. While Estonia has been a pioneer in adopting blockchain-based voting systems nationwide, Sierra Leone conducted a notable trial during its 2018 elections. A Swiss-based company, Agora, used blockchain technology to record votes in the Western Area Urban district as part of a proof-of-concept. This trial aimed to demonstrate how blockchain could securely and transparently log votes.

Although the Sierra Leone National Electoral Commission officially handled the results using traditional methods, the blockchain experiment showcased the potential for future elections to incorporate this technology for greater transparency. 

As these experiments demonstrate, blockchain could pave the way for more secure and transparent elections, though its adoption still faces hurdles in terms of scalability and widespread implementation.

A new era for democracy?

The “Year of Democracy” in 2024 highlights the transformative potential of AI and digital tools in fostering robust, transparent, and inclusive elections. Nations like Sierra Leone, India, and Estonia demonstrate that AI can significantly enhance democratic processes, but only if ethical and inclusive considerations are prioritized.

As these global elections unfold, the true test will lie in whether AI will enhance democratic values or, conversely, exacerbate existing challenges. The integrity of these elections and the responses to inevitable disputes will not only reveal the current state of democracy but also determine whether regions like Africa will emerge as beacons of effective elections and democratic resurgence or continue to face electoral setbacks.

Written by Cecilia Maundu

Originally published on Global Voices

Senegalese journalists participate in virtual reality training at the 2016 Gamecamp Summer in Dakar; photo by Kofi Sika Latzoo, used with permission.

As a highly innovative sector that generates new jobs, the creative economy encompasses several fields today, including music, art, cinema, and video games. The latter alone generates billions of US dollars within the African market.

According to the report Africa Gaming Market Size (2024–2029) by Mordor Intelligence, a consultancy and market research firm, the video game market in Africa is estimated to be worth over USD 2.14 billion in 2024. This figure could reach USD 3.72 billion by 2029.

Video games have strong appeal among African youth — of the continent’s 1.6 billion inhabitants, over 400 million are between the ages of 15 and 35. Gaming is not merely a pastime; it can also be a real profession, known as esports, which includes its own rules, tournaments, prize money, and international competitions, like the Olympics Esports Games set to be held in Saudi Arabia in 2025. To explore the significance of this industry, Global Voices spoke with Kofi Sika Latzoo, a Togolese expert based in Senegal.

Kofi Sika Latzoo; photo used with permission

Kofi is certified in creative industries entrepreneurship by the British Council, holds credentials in Social Impact Gamification, and has received an award from Microsoft for innovative educational expertise. A pioneer in Africa’s creative industries and art digitisation, he founded Gamecampcities Agency in 2012, an agency promoting video games and esports. He has been teaching esports management for seven years at Kedge Business School, on the Bordeaux and Paris campuses, and at Bem Africa in Dakar and Abidjan.

Jean Sovon (JS): Which African countries are leading in added value within the video game industry?

Kofi Sika Latzoo (KSL): En premier lieu, l'Afrique du Sud, qui est l'un des premiers pays africains à ériger des studios de développement de jeux vidéo: Free Live, l'un des plus anciens studios de développement de jeux vidéo sur le continent. C'est aussi l'un des rares pays à développer une fédération e-sport et le premier à faire partie des grandes instances de gouvernance de l'e-sport mondial. D’autres pays comme la Tunisie, l'Égypte, le Maroc, le Zimbabwe, le Ghana, et le Sénégal, qui est l'un des rares marchés francophones sont très dynamiques. Le Sénégal est aussi l'un des rares pays à avoir un cadre légal depuis 2020 pour la structuration de l'e-sport: le jeu vidéo compétitif et le développement de jeu vidéo. Le Togo aussi est en train de se structurer avec une fédération fraîchement naissante. De nombreux pays africains vont participer aux Jeux Olympiques e-sport en Arabie Saoudite: le Sénégal, le Maroc, le Togo, l'Égypte, la Tunisie, l'Afrique du Sud, la Zambie, le Zimbabwe, la Côte d'Ivoire, le Cap Vert, l’île Maurice, et le Kenya.

Kofi Sika Latzoo (KSL): Firstly, South Africa leads the way, being among the first African nations to have set up video game development studios, including Free Live, one of the oldest studios on the continent. It is also one of the few countries to establish an esports federation and the first to be part of major global esports governance bodies. Other countries, including Tunisia, Egypt, Morocco, Zimbabwe, Ghana, and Senegal — one of the rare French-speaking markets — are highly dynamic as well. Senegal is also one of the few countries to have a legal framework since 2020 for structuring esports, including competitive gaming and video game development. Togo, too, is organising itself with a newly established federation. Numerous African countries will participate in the Olympics Esports Games in Saudi Arabia, including Senegal, Morocco, Togo, Egypt, Tunisia, South Africa, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Côte d'Ivoire, Cape Verde, Mauritius and Kenya.

JS: Do players actually benefit financially, or are they just consumers?

KSL : Il y a trois niveaux: amateurs, semi-professionnels et les professionnels et il faut être au second niveau pour bénéficier des retombées financières. Les amateurs se font connaître des différents tournois dans leurs pays. Ils passent ensuite à la seconde étape et deviennent des joueurs semi-professionnels. Ils commencent par avoir des jeux de prédilection. Il faut savoir qu'il y a 15 disciplines d'e-sport. A partir de ce moment-là, ils cherchent une marque qui va les sponsoriser et leur permettre de grandir. De là, ils peuvent voyager pour aller à des compétitions régionales ou à l'international.

En Afrique, plus de 90% des joueurs sont semi-pro. C'est très rare de voir un joueur pro, car cela veut dire que déjà vous n'avez pas un seul sponsor, mais plusieurs sponsors et vous êtes sous contrat. Tout autour de vous est contrôlé et vous faites des rapports réguliers à vos sponsors. Il n’existe que moins de 20 équipes professionnelles dans le monde, et 80% d'entre-elles qui arrivent à atteindre des évaluations de 10 à 30 millions de dollars [américains] , sont aux États-Unis. Il y en a une seule en Espagne, en France, en Angleterre et quelques-unes au Brésil.

Sur le continent, la majorité des équipes professionnelles et semi-professionnelles se trouve en Afrique du Sud avec des équipes comme Goliath Gaming. Il y en a aussi au Maroc, en Tunisie. On commence à avoir des équipes en Zambie avec la Team Gematrix qui arrive à avoir des tournois même jusqu'à Las Vegas. Il y a également une très bonne équipe au Sénégal, XamXamLions que j'ai créée moi-même en 2016 qui a déjà à son actif deux qualifications olympiques avec des joueurs sur contrat.

KSL: There are three levels — amateurs, semi-professionals, and professionals — and you need to be at the second level to benefit financially. Amateurs gain recognition through various tournaments in their countries. They then move on to the next stage and become semi-professional players, when often they start to specialise in their favourite games. Keep in mind that there are 15 esports disciplines, so at this stage, players seek out a sponsor to help them grow, enabling them to travel for regional or international competitions.

In Africa, over 90 percent of players are semi-professional. It’s very rare to see a professional player, as this requires not just one but multiple sponsors, as well as being under contract. Everything around you is closely managed, and you regularly report to your sponsors. There are fewer than 20 professional teams worldwide, and 80 percent of those valued between USD 10 and 30 million are based in the United States. There is only one team in Spain, in France, and in England, and a few in Brazil.

On the continent, most professional and semi-professional teams are based in South Africa, with teams like Goliath Gaming. There are also teams in Morocco and Tunisia. Zambia is starting to see growth as well, with Team Gematrix participating in tournaments as far as Las Vegas. Senegal also boasts a strong team, XamXamLions, which I founded in 2016 and which has already achieved two Olympic qualifications with contracted players.

JS: What is the contribution of the video game economy to the development of the African continent?

KSL : Le jeu vidéo est un marché de 800 milliards de dollars [américains] d'offres en Afrique. Mais pour avoir une vision globale de l'approche, le jeu vidéo, en termes d'industrie mondiale, c'est 300 milliards de dollars américains annuels de marché. Et l'e-sport, c'est un milliard de dollars de marché.

L'engouement pour la discipline est en train de se généraliser au niveau global et l'Afrique ne doit pas être en reste pour la simple raison que l'Afrique détient la plus jeune population. C'est le continent qui a la capacité de tout consommer et de tout créer. Les pays en tête sont l'Afrique du Sud et le Maroc. Au Maroc, l'opérateur Télécom Invi crée depuis 2012 des hackathons pour détecter des talents de développeurs de jeux ; embauche ces talents pour créer des jeux vidéo mobiles qui vont être lancés pendant la période du Ramadan. Invi détient déjà trois ligues e-sport au Maroc: une ligue professionnelle, une ligue universitaire et une ligue pour enfants. Il y a là une stratégie qui a été pensée et des investissements.

KSL: The video game market offers a USD 1.3 billion opportunity in Africa. For a broader perspective, the global video game industry is a USD 300-billion annual market, while esports alone represents a one-billion-dollar market.

The enthusiasm for this discipline is spreading globally, and Africa must keep pace, especially as it has the world’s youngest population. It’s a continent with the potential to consume and create on a large scale. Leading the way are South Africa and Morocco.

In Morocco, the telecom operator has been organising hackathons since 2012 to scout talented game developers and hiring them to create mobile video games that are released during Ramadan. Inwi already hosts three esports leagues in Morocco: a professional league, a university league, and a children’s league. This reflects a well-thought-out strategy and substantial investment.

JS: What is the relationship between sports and e-sports? And where does Togo, your home country, stand in this field?

KSL : Pas mal de figures sportives ont un intérêt pour la discipline et s'impliquent. Un très bon exemple est le cas de David Beckham, qui est propriétaire d'un club e-sport qui s'appelle Guild, alors qu'il détient aussi un club de football à Miami, où joue Lionel Messi.

Je pense qu'il y a une forte relation entre le sport et l’e-sport. On a même tendance à voir les deux fusionner, comme l'événement qu'on appelle les Jeux du Futur ou Games of Futures, qui est l'événement phygital qui implique des disciplines digitales comme des disciplines sportives et physiques. Le Bénin était présent à ces jeux du futur avec son équipe de basketball, et celle d’e-basketball ( le basketball en mode jeu vidéo).

Parlant du Togo, c’est une nation qui a un potentiel avéré, disposant plus de 32 salles de jeu dans la capitale Lomé, et une première participation à des championnats du monde organisés par Alibaba en 2016 sur les disciplines Hearthstone ( jeu de cartes en ligne). Le pays a aussi obtenu la médaille d'or aux derniers Jeux africains qui ont inclus de l'e-sport au Ghana. De plus, le président de l'association e-sport France est un franco-togolais.  Je suis moi-même, Togolais basé au Sénégal, professeur d'e-sport certifié avec plus de 100 événements produits dans le domaine du jeu vidéo et du jeu vidéo compétitif en Afrique. Le président de la fédération du Togo est un ancien formé par l'agence Gamecampcities. Nous avons donc tous les ingrédients possibles pour avoir une nation e-sport forte. Le Togo est aussi membre de la confédération africaine d’esports (CASE) dont le siège est basé au Sénégal. La CASE compte aujourd’hui 30 pays et a comme partenaire le géant informatique HP.

KSL: Quite a few sports figures are showing interest in the discipline and getting involved. A prime example is David Beckham, who owns an esports club called Guild, while also owning a football club in Miami, where Lionel Messi plays.

I think there is a close relationship between traditional sports and esports. We’re even beginning to see a fusion of the two, as with the event known as the Games of the Future, a phygital event blending digital disciplines with physical and athletic sports. Benin was represented at these Games of the Future with both its basketball team and its ebasketball team (basketball in video game form).

Speaking of Togo, it is a nation with proven potential. the capital, Lomé, counts over 32 gaming centres, and the country made its debut at the World Championships organised by Alibaba in 2016 in the Hearthstone (online card game) discipline. The country also won the gold medal at the last African Games, which included esports, held in Ghana. Additionally, the president of France's esports association is Franco-Togolese. I am myself Togolese, based in Senegal, a certified esports instructor, and I have produced over 100 events in video gaming and competitive gaming across Africa. The president of Togo’s federation is a former trainee of the Gamecampcities agency. We have all the necessary elements to build a strong esports nation. Togo is also a member of the African Esports Confederation (CASE), whose headquarters are in Senegal. CASE now includes 30 countries and has the tech giant HP as a partner.

Written by Jean Sovon Translated by Jean-Christophe Brunet · View original post [fr]

Originally published on Global Voices

Morocco clash with Angola in a Group A game of the 2013 CAN on January 19th.  Image by Magharebia, from Wikimedia Commons (CC BY 2.0 DEED).

The Confederation of African Football (CAF) announced its decision on the controversial match between Libya and Nigeria on Saturday, October 26th. As reported by ESPN Africa, the match was declared lost by forfeit by Libya (by a score of 3–0), with the Libyan Football Federation (LFF) ordered to pay a fine of USD 50,000 within 60 days of notification of the decision:

CAF has announced a $50,000 fine for Libya and awarded Nigeria a 3-0 victory along with three points after the Super Eagles were stranded at a Libyan airport for over 12 hours without food or drink before an AFCON qualifier earlier this month. pic.twitter.com/KJCwGN8tmL

— ESPN Africa (@ESPNAfrica) October 26, 2024

The aforementioned match was a Group D qualifying match in the Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON). The game never took place after Nigeria's plane was diverted and stranded on an airport runway for 16 hours, leading to accusations of sabotage and foul play.

Backstory

On October 15, 2024, the Nigerian team (nicknamed the Super Eagles) was en route to Libya for the second leg of the AFCON qualifiers. They were scheduled to land in Benghazi but were redirected mid-flight to Bayda, approximately 250 kilometers (135 miles) from their intended destination.

The Tunisian pilot who flew the Super Eagles to Libya explained in a video posted on X that the Libyan authorities ordered a last-minute diversion of the flight to Al-Abraq airport instead of the planned destination, Benghazi.

While there, the Nigeria Football Federation reported that the Nigeria teams were stranded at the remote Al-Abraq airport on the outskirts of Benghazi, where they had no access to food or water and had no contact with the Libyan officials for over 16 hours. The Nigerian team proceeded to boycott the match, citing safety concerns, and they flew back to Nigeria instead of continuing with the game.

Among the Super Eagles team representing Nigeria in Libya were Ademola Lookman, who scored a hat trick for Atalanta in the Europa League final last season and who was on the 2024 Ballon d'Or shortlist, and Leicester City midfielder Wilfred Ndidi. 

In response to this incident, LFF said their actions were not deliberate but alleged that the Libyan national team had suffered the same fate four days earlier at a match in Uyo, Nigeria. They claimed Nigerian authorities had left them stranded at the Port Harcourt Airport. Nigeria won the match on October 11.

Libya has also threatened Nigeria with legal action for withdrawing from the match.

A day after this botched encounter, CAF delisted the game from its calendar and announced its cancellation hours before kick-off. The matter was referred to the disciplinary committee for consideration. The CAF probe found Libya guilty of breaching competition rules, which mandate visiting teams to be rightly received by their host association.

In its ruling on October 26th, signed by chairman Ousmane Kane, the disciplinary board determined that the Libyan Football Federation (LFF) was in breach of Article 31 of the Africa Cup of Nations Regulations and Articles 82 and 151 of the CAF Disciplinary Code. This led to CAF awarding Nigeria the match with a 3–0 score and fining Libya USD 50,000.

Following the verdict, Troost-Ekong, captain of the Nigerian team, praised the CAF's choice in a post on X (formerly Twitter).

JUSTICE: CAF awards three points and three goals to Nigeria. Libya fined $50,000.

Plane was diverted 300km from scheduled airport even when the pilot told them he was low on fuel.

One step closer to our target AFCON 2025

— William Troost-Ekong (M.O.N) (@WTroostEkong) October 26, 2024

As a result of this decision, the Super Eagles have tallied 10 points from four matches, four points ahead of the second-placed Benin Republic, while Rwanda has five points. Libya has only one point and is out of the running for qualification.

AFCON and its importance to Africans

The Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON), hosted by the Confederation of African Football (CAF), is Africa’s biggest football festival, captivating millions across the continent and beyond. With up to USD 7 million in prize money and a staggering global viewership of up to 2 billion in the 2023 tournament, AFCON has become one of the most anticipated sporting events in Africa.

AFCON Trophy. Image by Franco237 from Wikimedia Commons (CC BY-SA 4.0 Deed)

Held every two years, AFCON brings together fans from all corners of Africa, celebrating the continent’s top football talents on an international stage. Since it was first held in 1957, the tournament has become a symbol of African unity and competitiveness, drawing both seasoned football lovers and casual fans alike.

However, in recent years, TotalEnergies, the headline sponsor of the AFCON tournament, has faced criticism for using sportwashing tactics to obscure its exploitation of African resources and contributing to climate challenges on the continent. These controversies have unfolded alongside growing discussions around unethical host practices during AFCON events. 

Hostile host tactics in African football

According to CAF President Patrice Motsepe, speaking at the 46th Ordinary Assembly in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, several visiting teams have been subjected to inhumane treatment. For example, during the 2021 AFCON qualifiers, Benin refused to play a decisive African Cup of Nations qualifying game in Sierra Leone after disputing that five of its players had tested positive for COVID-19 just before kickoff.

“Apparently, during COVID, they would look at who the best players are from your team and say those 10 players have COVID-19. You tell them that you have just been tested, and they say no, you have COVID,” Motsepe explained on his YouTube channel.

He urged nations on the continent to treat visiting teams with respect and dignity. 

“So, I just want to repeat, we are proud of those nations that treat visiting teams and football clubs with the respect and dignity that they deserve,” he added.

As reported by the New Telegraph website, other unethical practices that visiting teams have faced include substandard accommodation and facilities, travel logistics issues, intimidation from fans, poor pitch conditions, refereeing bias, deliberate delays during matches, schedule manipulation, psychological warfare, and security negligence.

Rev Matthew S.J in this article writes about the implication of football sabotage for the CAF and the Nigeria Football Federation (NFF).

It remains to be seen whether CAF will tighten its rules and regulations moving forward to deter bad treatment of visiting teams and maintain the sportsmanship of the competition on the continent.

Written by Adesewa Olofinko

Originally published on Global Voices

Ghana Elections 2020 in pictures. Image by Owula kpakpo from Wikimedia Commons (CC BY-SA 4.0 Deed).

While technology offers many advantages, it also presents significant challenges. Social media, for instance, has successfully connected people worldwide and created spaces for sharing ideas and information. However, it has also become a powerful tool for spreading misinformation and disinformation, especially during elections.

This is the most pivotal election year in history, with 72 countries heading to the polls. According to the 2024 Global Risk Report, misinformation poses a serious threat to democratic processes globally, especially during elections. The report warns that unchecked misinformation can undermine the legitimacy of newly elected governments, fuel political unrest, and potentially destabilize democratic institutions over time.

Ghana is no exception to this, as democracy watchdogs have noted a dangerous rise in disinformation ahead of the December 7, 2024 election. According to the International Freedom of Expression Exchange, the primary drivers of this problem include political party propaganda, legacy media’s prioritization of speed over accuracy, and regulatory challenges faced by the Ghanaian government.

A recent YouTube video highlights how some Ghanaian politicians are leveraging social media to misinform and influence public opinion, even paying influencers to promote their agendas. For example, in 2022, as Ghana experienced an economic crisis where the Ghanaian cedi greatly depreciated against the dollar, several Twitter influencers were reportedly paid to post misleading praise about the ruling government’s efforts to strengthen the cedi.

In another video by VOA, broadcast journalist Bernard Avle explains how AI technology was used to clone his voice and show introduction, which was then used to promote sex enhancement products on Facebook without his consent.

During the 2020 election, fake news and misinformation contributed to unrest, with at least eight deaths linked to political violence. This year, technology and political experts are concerned that AI cloning technologies could worsen the situation. As noted in this video, Citi FM has already observed a rise in disinformation, with perpetrators leveraging the media outlet's brand and credibility to spread false information. TV3 Ghana, one of the country's prominent media houses, recently fell victim to this, as highlighted in the tweet below:

Kindly disregard this creative circulated on various social media platforms.

For the latest news, head to our official website: https://t.co/9cC9uTaGco#TV3GH pic.twitter.com/X1wETX6M3l

— #TV3GH (@tv3_ghana) June 7, 2024

Recognizing the severity of this issue, a group of young Ghanaians organized a Youth Against Disinformation conference. In an interview with Global Voices, Malise Omoloye, 20, a journalist, content creator, and one of the co-hosts of the event, shared insights on the motivation behind the conference and the key outcomes.

(ZZ): You recently co-hosted the Youth against Disinformation conference in Ghana. Can you share what this conference is about and what motivated you to host it?

(MO): The Youth Against Disinformation conference is a platform focused on addressing the spread of misinformation and disinformation, particularly as it affects young people. This conference brings together youth across all industries, digital creators, and advocates for media literacy to empower them with skills to identify, counter, and prevent the spread of false information. The event provided a platform for open discussions and collaborative efforts among participants to build a more informed and media-literate generation.

What motivated me to co-host the event was my passion for Media Information Literacy and my commitment to empowering young people with the skills and tools necessary to navigate today’s complex media landscape. As a journalist and content creator, I recognize the immense influence that misinformation can have on public opinion and social dynamics. By educating and equipping the youth, we can foster a more discerning, critical approach to media consumption. Partnering with organizations like Penplusbytes, UNESCO Ghana, DW Akademie, and Youth Komnunity made this conference a powerful opportunity to make a meaningful impact.

View this post on Instagram

A post shared by Malise Cullen (@malisecullen)

(ZZ): What were the outcomes of this conference?

(MO): One of the significant outcomes of the conference was the interactive breakout sessions that provided participants with hands-on training in fact-checking tools and essential cybersecurity practices. During this session, attendees were introduced to Dubawa, a prominent fact-checking platform in West Africa, which enables users to verify the authenticity of news, images, and information. Participants gained valuable skills to detect and counter misinformation in real time using the Dubawa bot.

In addition to fact-checking, the other session covered crucial aspects of cybersecurity and intelligence, emphasizing the importance of safe online practices and personal data protection. Participants learned strategies for safeguarding their digital presence, recognizing phishing attempts, and understanding the basics of cyber threats. This is particularly vital in an era where disinformation often spreads through digital platforms and where cyber threats can compromise both individual privacy and the reliability of shared information.

(ZZ): You moderated a panel discussion on disinformation and its influence on the polls. Can you share what this panel discussion was about and the key takeaways from the discussion?

(MO): Moderating the panel discussion on ‘Disinformation and its Influence on Decision-Making and Actions at the Polls’ provided an insightful look into how misinformation affects democratic processes, particularly during elections. This discussion explored the ways in which false information, spread through social media and other digital channels, can shape public perception, sway voter behavior, and ultimately influence election outcomes. Given the critical role that elections play in shaping policy and governance, the discussion highlighted the importance of countering disinformation to ensure informed and fair decision-making among voters.

This research on social media and elections in Ghana highlights how political parties increasingly use social media as a strategic channel to reach and engage voters, particularly people between 18–35.

With a population exceeding 34.65 million, more than half of Ghanaians are online. WhatsApp is the most widely used platform, reaching 10.1 million users, and is heavily utilized by both the ruling party and the opposition to disseminate messages during election periods. Facebook, with 7.4 million users, follows in popularity, where the National Democratic Congress and the New Patriotic Party regularly share content — occasionally including disinformation and attacks on rivals. Although X (formerly Twitter) has a smaller user base of 1.17 million in Ghana, it remains a significant platform for discussions on national issues.

According to the news website MyJoyOnline, on November 9, a coalition of civil society organizations known as the Ghana Fact-Checking Coalition launched a major initiative to combat misinformation and disinformation that threaten the country’s democratic integrity. This initiative brings together over 100 media outlets and nearly 50 journalists across Ghana, who will help verify and distribute fact-checked reports to communities nationwide. To reach diverse audiences, the reports will be available in approximately 45 local languages.

As Ghanaians prepare to head to the polls on December 7, only time will tell whether these initiatives have effectively curbed the spread of misinformation and disinformation.

Written by Zita Zage

Originally published on Global Voices

Illustration by Minority Africa, used with permission.

This story was written by Shereefdeen Ahmad and originally published by Minority Africa on October 24, 2024. An edited version is republished below as part of a content-sharing agreement.

Hajiya*, a student at Usmanu Danfodiyo University in Sokoto, Nigeria, decided to take a break from her late-night study session in one of the classes on campus. She stepped outside, found a secluded area, and sat on a long metal bench, chatting with a male friend at the other end. When they noticed a school security officer had seen them, Hajiya’s friend quickly left to avoid unwarranted insinuations. At their university, late-night interactions between men and women were often scrutinised because of the institution's Islamic principles.

To Hajiya’s shock, the security officer approached her and accused her of having sex with her friend and demanded sexual favours in exchange for his silence.

“I engaged him in a mature way, but he insisted on taking me to the security office unless I did what he caught me doing with the guy. He didn’t see us doing anything as we were just talking as friends,” Hajiya recounted to Minority Africa. “He started touching every part of my body. He held my hands, dragging me to a very secluded area, until I started shouting for help before he let go of me.”

Despite being a campus journalist, Hajiya chose not to report the incident. She doubted the university’s commitment to justice. “And the fact that I was in the dark with a guy won’t stay out of the story,” she said. “Whatever the case, harassment is harassment; what led to it does not matter. I never believed I could keep silent about it because it happened to me in the most unexpected way. Most of us also keep silent because of stigma.”

Hajiya’s fears are not unfounded. A 2018 World Bank survey revealed that 70 per cent of women graduates from Nigerian tertiary institutions had faced sexual harassment from fellow students and lecturers. The survey, conducted in 19 tertiary institutions across six states, highlighted a lack of clear reporting channels as a major barrier to reporting such incidents.

In 2022, Minister of Women Affairs Pauline Tallen said that, of over 11,000 recorded rape cases in Nigeria, only 33 culprits had been convicted. She attributed this dismal statistic to harmful cultural stereotypes, ineffective law enforcement, toxic misogyny, and insufficient support for survivors.

Despite ongoing sexual harassment issues in schools and other places in Nigeria, a bill introduced in 2016 to criminalise sexual harassment, particularly in tertiary institutions, has languished in the National Assembly for eight years.

Frank Ijege, a legal practitioner with the Bridges and Hands Foundation, a non-governmental organisation that promotes human rights, child rights, transparency, and accountability, criticised the Assembly’s lack of urgency in an interview with Minority Africa.  “The National Assembly is not giving the deserved attention to the issue of sexual harassment. That is why the bill has been there for eight years.”

He advised that non-governmental organizations and student bodies need to sustain dialogue with the National Assembly to push the enactment of the bill.

To combat the culture of silence, Oga Lecturer, a project by the International Centre for Investigative Reporting (ICIR), aims to document and amplify stories of sexual harassment in higher institutions.

“We started by putting out a survey on our social media platforms to know the prevalence of sexual harassment in Nigerian tertiary institutions, and from the feedback we had, we realised that it was a big challenge, particularly by male lecturers,” said Dayo Aiyetan, ICIR’s executive director.  

“So, we decided to find a way of using the media to solve the problem, and if not to solve the problem, to put a searchlight on the problem and bring it to the front burner for discussion, do some reporting around it to proffer solutions to the victims,” he added.

Founded in 2016, Oga Lecturer encourages victims and witnesses to report incidents, which are then made public via Oga Lecturer’s website and social media platforms, pushing the relevant authorities to take action. “We provide a platform on the Oga Lecturer website where — whether you are a student, a lecturer, or any member of the tertiary institution community who has any issue around sexual harassment — they can reach us and tell their stories,” Aiyetan said. “We investigate the stories because we use them as sources or whistleblowers and then publish the stories.”

Recognising that publication alone does not guarantee justice, Aiyetan noted that they follow up with university authorities and stakeholders to support victims. However, he lamented the lackadaisical attitude on the part of the school authorities to punish lecturers who have been indicted for sexual harassment.

“You publish a story about a perpetrator, and you see that nothing is being done to that person, which puts the victim in a dangerous position because she can be victimised,” Ijeoma Opara, a journalist with Oga Lecturer, explained.

To protect their sources, Oga Lecturer maintains confidentiality. “Anybody who has spoken to us did so in strict confidentiality. We don’t reveal our sources to anybody because of the sensitivity of sexual harassment,” Aiyetan emphasised.

Between 2018 and 2023, no fewer than 43 lecturers were accused or indicted for sexual harassment. Many of these cases were swept under the carpet, with only a few lecturers suspended or dismissed. Oga Lecturer continually reports on ignored cases to keep authorities accountable.

For instance, the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, suspended Dr Chigozie Odum, a lecturer in the Department of Archaeology and Tourism, over sexual misconduct allegations. Similarly, the Federal College of Forestry, Plateau State, suspended four lecturers for harassing female students. Oga Lecturer played a crucial role in the suspension of Cyril Ndifon, a lecturer at the University of Calabar, following allegations from multiple female students.

Aiyetan said that because it is difficult to effectively get justice for victims and sources who speak out, the ICIR aims to redesign the Oga Lecturer project.

Hajiya reflected on her experience, wishing she had known about Oga Lecturer. “Using the media to expose sexual harassment can amplify marginalised voices, raise awareness, and prevent future incidents. It’s a powerful tool for justice and accountability,” she said.

*Name has been changed to protect identities.

Written by Minority Africa