Child, early, and forced marriage (CEFM) is a widespread issue that affects people of all backgrounds and in various parts of the world. It is estimated that 640 million girls and women alive today were married in childhood, and 12 million girls are married off before the age of 18 every year. Child marriage disproportionally affects girls and can have many long-term negative consequences, including domestic violence, health problems, and limited educational and employment opportunities.
Central Asia is one of many regions where CEFM is a prevalent issue. Bride kidnapping in Kyrgyzstan, commonly known as ala kachuu (grabbing and running), is the most notorious example of forced marriage practice in the region. In October 2024, Equality Now, a rights organization with a mission to create a just world for women and girls, published a report on CEFM in seven Eurasian countries, including Russia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Georgia, and Tajikistan.
Global Voices interviewed over email Dariana Gryaznova, the Eurasia Legal Advisor at Equality Now, to discuss the underlying causes of CEFM in Central Asia and the steps state authorities and civil society need to undertake to eradicate the issue. The interview has been edited for clarity and brevity.
Global Voices (GV): How prevalent is the issue of CEFM in Central Asia? How does it compare to other regions where you conducted research for the report?
Dariana Gryaznova (DG): Our research found that the rate of officially registered marriages involving minors varies significantly between and within these countries.
Georgia has the highest prevalence, with 14 percent of women aged 20 to 24 married before 18, rising to 25 percent in rural areas in regions like Kvemo Kartli. Kyrgyzstan also has a high rate, with approximately 13 percent of women in the same age bracket marrying below 18.
At 3.4 percent, Uzbekistan has the lowest child marriage rate and has achieved a significant decline over the past decade. However, prevalence in the country’s eastern regions, which are known as more conservative, remains at 11 percent. Tajikistan falls somewhere in the middle at 9 percent.
Armenia has a child marriage rate of 5 percent and is among the top ten countries worldwide for reducing the practice. Despite progress, child marriage remains prevalent within the Yezidi community, where girls as young as 13 or 14 are married off.
Underreporting and limited awareness hinder accurate assessment of the prevalence of child marriage in Eurasian countries. Official statistics often overlook unregistered marriages, contributing to a lack of comprehensive data.
GV: What are the underlying reasons for CEFM in Central Asia?
DG: Each country has its own unique challenges, shaped by unique cultural, economic, and legal contexts, but there are common drivers of CEFM across the region. Deeply ingrained gender norms, stereotypes about the roles of men and women, and notions of family honour are all issues. There is an emphasis on female virginity and obedience, and societal pressure and stigma surrounding unmarried women and girls.
In addition, families facing poverty or economic hardship may view early marriage as a means of securing financial stability or improving their socioeconomic status.
Research has revealed a correlation between violence within girls’ families of origin and their propensity to enter early marriages or unions. This implies that for some, child marriage might be perceived as an avenue to escape abusive home environments. However, many encounter the same violence they sought refuge from in their initial homes, highlighting how the cycle of gender-based violence persists into their early marriages or unions.
GV: What is the current legal framework to combat CEFM in the region? How effective is it? What changes are necessary to it?
DG: According to international legal standards, laws within each country’s legal system should set the minimum age of marriage at 18 without exceptions. However, Georgia and Azerbaijan are the only countries out of the seven Eurasian countries that have established 18 as the minimum age of marriage, with no exceptions. Azerbaijan introduced this amendment only recently on June 28, 2024.
The criminal laws of the seven countries examined by Equality Now do not treat CEFM equally, reflecting variations in their legal frameworks. While all the countries recognize CEFM as an issue, their criminal laws differ significantly in the strictness of penalties, scope of definitions, and enforcement.
For example, while the Criminal Code of Kyrgyzstan criminalises the kidnapping of a person for the purpose of entering into marriage, the Criminal Code of Russia criminalises only abduction and abduction of a minor. There is no specific mention of crimes committed in relation to forced marriage.
GV: What progress has Central Asia made towards addressing the issue of abduction for marriage? What challenges remain in the way of eliminating this practice?
DG: Abduction for forced marriage, also known as “bride kidnapping,” is a harmful practice that involves abducting a woman or girl to marry one of her captors without her consent, often accompanied by physical or psychological coercion, including rape.
Despite being illegal and widely condemned, this practice continues in various parts of the Eurasia region, including in Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Kyrgyzstan, and Russia.
There is a clear distinction between those countries with specific crimes of abduction for forced marriage and those that prosecute the conduct under the general crime of kidnapping. Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan have specific articles addressing kidnapping for forced marriage, reflecting a targeted approach to combating this particular crime.
In contrast, Armenia, Azerbaijan, the Russian Federation, and Tajikistan prosecute abduction for forced marriage under general kidnapping laws, and Georgia prosecutes it under the crime of illegal deprivation of liberty.
GV: What steps should the government and civil society in Central Asia take towards ending the practice of CEFM?
DG: CEFM is a violation of human rights and should be recognized as such. In addition to strengthening legal frameworks and policies, states have a legal obligation to tackle CEFM through a comprehensive, rights-based approach, taking into account those in vulnerable or marginalised situations and addressing root causes of gender inequality, discrimination against women and girls, and gender-based violence in general.
This holistic response also includes addressing cultural, traditional, or honour-based justifications for violence and ensuring measures are in place to protect women and girls, including those affected by humanitarian emergencies and forced displacement.
States have to adopt holistic and gender-transformative programs and invest in education, health, economic empowerment, and social support for adolescent girls as a strategic choice that yields high returns for the entire community.
Another important issue is the need to improve data collection methods to accurately assess the prevalence of child, early, and forced marriage, and to monitor progress, including for those communities that are most affected. Comprehensive data and readily available data can guide the development of policies, targeted interventions, funding, and impact assessments.