Nurbek Bekmurzaev – Global Voices https://globalvoices.org Citizen media stories from around the world Thu, 21 Nov 2024 14:59:19 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.6.2 Citizen media stories from around the world Nurbek Bekmurzaev – Global Voices false Nurbek Bekmurzaev – Global Voices webmaster@globalvoices.org Creative Commons Attribution, see our Attribution Policy for details. Creative Commons Attribution, see our Attribution Policy for details. podcast Citizen media stories from around the world Nurbek Bekmurzaev – Global Voices https://globalvoices.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/gv-podcast-logo-2022-icon-square-2400-GREEN.png https://globalvoices.org Failed assassination attempt sparks speculations of power struggle in Uzbekistan https://globalvoices.org/2024/11/21/failed-assassination-attempt-sparks-speculations-of-power-struggle-in-uzbekistan/ https://globalvoices.org/2024/11/21/failed-assassination-attempt-sparks-speculations-of-power-struggle-in-uzbekistan/#respond Thu, 21 Nov 2024 08:12:04 +0000 https://globalvoices.org/?p=824397 It is getting harder to keep things behind the scenes

Originally published on Global Voices

Komil Allamjonov (on the left) and Saida Mirziyoyeva (on the right). Screenshot from the video “Allamjonov bilan Otabek Umarov hamda DXX o’rtasida urush ketyapti-manbalar” from the Ozodlik Radiosi YouTube channel. Fair use.

On October 26, an assassination attempt was carried out against the former top-level official Komil Allamjonov in Uzbekistan’s capital Tashkent. A pair of suspects fired eight bullets at Allamjonov’s car at night. Neither Allamjonov nor his driver sustained any injuries. Undoubtedly, this was the most significant assassination attempt in Uzbekistan’s recent history given Allamjonov’s stature and influence over the country’s political life.

The timing of the incident stirred discussions of a possible power struggle unfolding among different groups close to President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, to solidify their position as his future successor. Allamjonov abruptly left the president’s office, where he led the department of informational policy, only a month before the attack.

His sudden departure sparked speculations that it would weaken the position of the president’s oldest daughter Saida Mirziyoyeva, head of the presidential office, and seemingly a frontrunner in the successor race. Allamjonov and Mirziyoyeva have worked together in tandem at various state organizations for the last eight years.

Adding to the suspense has been the absence of any comments on the assassination attempt from the authorities and Allamjonov himself. Even the statement from the Prosecutor General’s Office on the incident did not contain any mention of Allamjonov, it simply informed journalists of the shooting. The office has publicly discouraged journalists and bloggers from speculations. Nevertheless, the attack has become the most talked about news, resembling a detective series with new information rolling out every day.

Here is a YouTube video with the first part of Radio Ozodlik's investigation.

On October 27, a video emerged with two men admitting carrying out the attack and sharing plans to give themselves up to the police. Additionally, there emerged an audio file in which undisclosed people claimed that Allamjonov orchestrated the assassination attempt but did not pay those who executed it.

This was followed by a wave of posts on Uzbek social media that Allamjonov did indeed plan the attack himself. According to Radio Ozodlik (the Uzbek branch of RFE/RL), bloggers and journalists who spread these rumors admitted receiving directives from their “media supervisors,” who in turn acted on the orders from the security services. Radio Ozodlik’s investigation on the case remains the most comprehensive and credible coverage of the incident thus far.

After the journalists identified one of the attackers as Shohruh Ahmedov and established his ties to the president of Chechnya Ramzan Kadyrov, the story gained a foreign angle. While in Turkey, Ahmedov was detained by the Turkish police alongside a group of Chechen nationals for attempting to assassinate one of Kadyrov's critics in Istanbul. When these details came out with a hint of a Chechen trace, Kadyrov came out with a statement denying speculations of his involvement in the attack.

The most recent piece of the puzzle now directs towards Mirziyoyev’s son-in-law and deputy head of the presidential security service Otabek Umarov, who is married to the president’s younger daughter Shakhnoza Mirziyoyeva. On November 14, an Uzbek national named Javlon Yunusov was arrested in South Korea in relation to his involvement in the attack.

Here is YouTube video with the second part of Radio Ozodlik's investigation.

Interestingly, Akhmedov, one of the detained attackers, worked as Yunusov’s bodyguard and driver. Additionally, the car in which the attackers fled from the crime scene was found near the restaurant belonging to Natalya Fen, Yunusov’s wife.

Radio Ozodlik’s sources have previously described Yunusov as Umarov’s trusted right hand man in the Fergana Valley, a vast region in Uzbekistan’s east. This link has now brought president’s son-in-law under the limelight of speculations. The reports of an ongoing “war” between Allamjonov and Umarov are only fueling them.

It is too soon to draw any conclusions about who ordered the attack on Allamjonov. It is reported that the case is under the personal control of Mirziyoyev. However, even when the investigation is completed it is likely that its results will be kept from the public. After all, this seems like a family affair nobody would want to share.

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First the flag and now the anthem: How Kyrgyzstan's leadership is changing its national symbols https://globalvoices.org/2024/11/07/first-the-flag-and-now-the-anthem-how-kyrgyzstans-leadership-is-changing-its-national-symbols/ https://globalvoices.org/2024/11/07/first-the-flag-and-now-the-anthem-how-kyrgyzstans-leadership-is-changing-its-national-symbols/#respond Thu, 07 Nov 2024 09:26:31 +0000 https://globalvoices.org/?p=823681 With head-scratching explanations and zero input from the public

Originally published on Global Voices

Nurlanbek Shakiyev, the Speaker of Kyrgyzstan's parliament, speaking about the plans to change the anthem. Screenshot from the video “Спикер ЖК: Гимн Кыргызстана будет изменен” from Kaktus Media‘s YouTube channel. Fair use.

On October 25, the Kyrgyz parliament’s speaker Nurlanbek Shakiyev revealed government plans to change the national anthem. He explained that the anthem was adopted 33 years ago when the country had just gained independence from the Soviet Union. Thus, it has to be changed, since Kyrgyzstan is a different country now that firmly stands on its feet. Shakiyev added that the anthem sounds like a march and is difficult to sing. He promised that everyone, even 6-year-olds and 90-year-olds, would be able to sing the new anthem.

Here is a YouTube video with Shakiyev's announcement of the plans to change the anthem.

Besides these explanations, Shakiyev recounted an anecdote he heard from Kyrgyzstan’s president Sadyr Japarov about the effect of the current anthem on birds. According to Shakiyev’s retelling of the story, during one of his foreign trips, Japarov noticed that birds got scared and flew away when they heard Kyrgyzstan’s anthem and came back and calmly sat on tree branches when another country’s anthem was played.

Shortly after Shakiyev’s announcement, Japarov supported the idea, repeating similar arguments. He noted that the authors of the current anthem “wrote joyful and exciting lines about Kyrgyzstan embarking on the path to independence,” but  Kyrgyzstan has since become “a full-fledged state,” which “the whole world knows” about. “Why don't we now write an anthem for future generations about the fact that our people have a five-thousand-year history?” concluded Japarov.

This is not the first time the Japarov–Shakiyev duo has worked together to change a national symbol. Last fall, Shakiyev made an unexpected statement about the need to change the national flag and faced fierce public backlash. Although he presented it as his own initiative, it was later revealed by Japarov himself that Shakiyev was simply acting on his orders. In a couple of months, Kyrgyzstan’s flag was changed despite the public consensus that the flag was perfectly fine and should remain the same.

Here is a YouTube video with the ceremony of raising the new flag on the main square in the capital Bishkek.

What made everything worse was that the authorities failed to provide convincing arguments for the change and did not solicit input from the public, such as announcing a public call for the design of the new flag. In his attempt to justify the change, Shakiyev explained that the wavy sun rays in the old flag made the tunduk (the central element of the flag and roof part of the Kyrgyz traditional yurt) look like a sunflower. On his end, Japarov campaigned for the new flag with the promise that it will help Kyrgyzstan “be a developed and independent country.”

Thus, although the authorities have promised that musicians, poets, and other stakeholders will take part in developing a new anthem, ordinary people do not harbor much trust that their voices will be heard. Judging by the available surveys, most people believe it is not necessary to change the anthem, and it would be best if the authorities put their time and resources into solving other more pressing issues.

Here is a YouTube video with citizens’ opinion on changing the anthem.

Those who are in favor highlighted that changing the anthem would be a right step with regards to decolonization, since the lyrics and music of the anthem are similar to the old anthem of the Kyrgyz Soviet Socialist Republic, a political entity that was part of the Soviet Union. Additionally, the anthem’s critics note that it is written in third person, which makes it sound like a wish, and advocate for a new anthem that would have such words as “I” and “we” in it to reflect agency and ownership.

Kyrgyzstan’s anthem was adopted in 1992. It originally consisted of three verses and a chorus. In 2012, the second chorus was removed because it contained controversial lines. If the way the flag was changed is any indication of the authorities’ approach to altering national symbols, ordinary citizens will be left out of the process of adopting a new anthem. However, the hope is that the country’s leadership has learned from its past mistakes and will ensure meaningful participation and feedback from the public.

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Why child and forced marriages persist in Central Asia https://globalvoices.org/2024/10/31/why-child-and-forced-marriages-persist-in-central-asia/ https://globalvoices.org/2024/10/31/why-child-and-forced-marriages-persist-in-central-asia/#respond Thu, 31 Oct 2024 02:48:15 +0000 https://globalvoices.org/?p=823243 Societal and gender norms, legal gaps, and lack of political will are contributing factors

Originally published on Global Voices

Photo by Daro Sulokauri. Used with permission.

Child, early, and forced marriage (CEFM) is a widespread issue that affects people of all backgrounds and in various parts of the world. It is estimated that 640 million girls and women alive today were married in childhood, and 12 million girls are married off before the age of 18 every year. Child marriage disproportionally affects girls and can have many long-term negative consequences, including domestic violence, health problems, and limited educational and employment opportunities.

Photo of Dariana Gryaznova by Equality Now. Used with permission.

Central Asia is one of many regions where CEFM is a prevalent issue. Bride kidnapping in Kyrgyzstan, commonly known as ala kachuu (grabbing and running), is the most notorious example of forced marriage practice in the region. In October 2024, Equality Now, a rights organization with a mission to create a just world for women and girls, published a report on CEFM in seven Eurasian countries, including Russia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Georgia, and Tajikistan.

Global Voices interviewed over email Dariana Gryaznova, the Eurasia Legal Advisor at Equality Now, to discuss the underlying causes of CEFM in Central Asia and the steps state authorities and civil society need to undertake to eradicate the issue. The interview has been edited for clarity and brevity.

Global Voices (GV): How prevalent is the issue of CEFM in Central Asia? How does it compare to other regions where you conducted research for the report?

Dariana Gryaznova (DG): Our research found that the rate of officially registered marriages involving minors varies significantly between and within these countries.

Georgia has the highest prevalence, with 14 percent of women aged 20 to 24 married before 18, rising to 25 percent in rural areas in regions like Kvemo Kartli. Kyrgyzstan also has a high rate, with approximately 13 percent of women in the same age bracket marrying below 18.

At 3.4 percent, Uzbekistan has the lowest child marriage rate and has achieved a significant decline over the past decade. However, prevalence in the country’s eastern regions, which are known as more conservative, remains at 11 percent. Tajikistan falls somewhere in the middle at 9 percent.

Armenia has a child marriage rate of 5 percent and is among the top ten countries worldwide for reducing the practice. Despite progress, child marriage remains prevalent within the Yezidi community, where girls as young as 13 or 14 are married off.

Underreporting and limited awareness hinder accurate assessment of the prevalence of child marriage in Eurasian countries. Official statistics often overlook unregistered marriages, contributing to a lack of comprehensive data.

GV: What are the underlying reasons for CEFM in Central Asia?

DG: Each country has its own unique challenges, shaped by unique cultural, economic, and legal contexts, but there are common drivers of CEFM across the region. Deeply ingrained gender norms, stereotypes about the roles of men and women, and notions of family honour are all issues. There is an emphasis on female virginity and obedience, and societal pressure and stigma surrounding unmarried women and girls.

In addition, families facing poverty or economic hardship may view early marriage as a means of securing financial stability or improving their socioeconomic status.

Research has revealed a correlation between violence within girls’ families of origin and their propensity to enter early marriages or unions. This implies that for some, child marriage might be perceived as an avenue to escape abusive home environments. However, many encounter the same violence they sought refuge from in their initial homes, highlighting how the cycle of gender-based violence persists into their early marriages or unions.

GV: What is the current legal framework to combat CEFM in the region? How effective is it? What changes are necessary to it? 

DG: According to international legal standards, laws within each country’s legal system should set the minimum age of marriage at 18 without exceptions. However, Georgia and Azerbaijan are the only countries out of the seven Eurasian countries that have established 18 as the minimum age of marriage, with no exceptions. Azerbaijan introduced this amendment only recently on June 28, 2024.

The criminal laws of the seven countries examined by Equality Now do not treat CEFM equally, reflecting variations in their legal frameworks. While all the countries recognize CEFM as an issue, their criminal laws differ significantly in the strictness of penalties, scope of definitions, and enforcement.

For example, while the Criminal Code of Kyrgyzstan criminalises the kidnapping of a person for the purpose of entering into marriage, the Criminal Code of Russia criminalises only abduction and abduction of a minor. There is no specific mention of crimes committed in relation to forced marriage.

GV: What progress has Central Asia made towards addressing the issue of abduction for marriage? What challenges remain in the way of eliminating this practice?  

DG: Abduction for forced marriage, also known as “bride kidnapping,” is a harmful practice that involves abducting a woman or girl to marry one of her captors without her consent, often accompanied by physical or psychological coercion, including rape.

Despite being illegal and widely condemned, this practice continues in various parts of the Eurasia region, including in Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Kyrgyzstan, and Russia.

There is a clear distinction between those countries with specific crimes of abduction for forced marriage and those that prosecute the conduct under the general crime of kidnapping. Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan have specific articles addressing kidnapping for forced marriage, reflecting a targeted approach to combating this particular crime.

In contrast, Armenia, Azerbaijan, the Russian Federation, and Tajikistan prosecute abduction for forced marriage under general kidnapping laws, and Georgia prosecutes it under the crime of illegal deprivation of liberty.

GV: What steps should the government and civil society in Central Asia take towards ending the practice of CEFM? 

DG: CEFM is a violation of human rights and should be recognized as such. In addition to strengthening legal frameworks and policies, states have a legal obligation to tackle CEFM through a comprehensive, rights-based approach, taking into account those in vulnerable or marginalised situations and addressing root causes of gender inequality, discrimination against women and girls, and gender-based violence in general.

This holistic response also includes addressing cultural, traditional, or honour-based justifications for violence and ensuring measures are in place to protect women and girls, including those affected by humanitarian emergencies and forced displacement.

States have to adopt holistic and gender-transformative programs and invest in education, health, economic empowerment, and social support for adolescent girls as a strategic choice that yields high returns for the entire community.

Another important issue is the need to improve data collection methods to accurately assess the prevalence of child, early, and forced marriage, and to monitor progress, including for those communities that are most affected. Comprehensive data and readily available data can guide the development of policies, targeted interventions, funding, and impact assessments.

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Mongolia’s new minister is determined to reform its education sector https://globalvoices.org/2024/09/03/mongolias-new-minister-is-determined-to-reform-its-education-sector/ https://globalvoices.org/2024/09/03/mongolias-new-minister-is-determined-to-reform-its-education-sector/#respond Tue, 03 Sep 2024 14:42:30 +0000 https://globalvoices.org/?p=819725 He is off to a promising start

Originally published on Global Voices

Mongolia's Education Minister Naranbayar Purevsuren speaking at the press conference. Photo from the website of Ministry of Education. Public domain.

On August 21, Mongolian Minister of Education Naranbayar Puversuren revealed that the country was short of 4,217 school teachers, citing the number of unfilled vacancies nationwide. Of the open vacancies, 2,429 are in the capital city Ulaanbaatar.

Additionally, there is a shortage of kindergarten teachers with 508 open vacancies. Naranbayar shared that there are currently more than 825,000 school-age children. Their number will continue to grow at least until 2030, which will exacerbate the shortage of schools and teachers.

Here is a Facebook post with the press conference in which Naranbayar discussed issues in the education sector and the ministry's plans to address them.

According to the study carried out by the Ministry of Education, 2.88 percent of Mongolia’s labor force population are school teachers, which is below the international standard of 3 percent. The reduction in the number of school teachers has happened before. However, it has not been revealed to the public or discussed openly.

In the five years before 2024, the number of open vacancies with which schools started the academic year varied between 2,700 and 3,900. Only up to 80 percent of these vacancies were filled in the first quarter of each academic year.

By making this information available to the public Naranbayar aims to increase transparency in the education sector and urge stakeholders to start addressing the shortage of teachers as early as possible.

The short-term plan to address the shortage of teacher is the ministry’s special training program that will allow people with non-pedagogical higher education degrees to acquire the necessary knowledge and skills to become teachers. Additionally, the ministry intends to unretire a certain number of teachers to mitigate the current shortage.

The long-term plan is to attract students to pedagogical faculties by subsidizing their studies. Under the new arrangement, current pedagogy students with GPA of 2.7 and those who pass entrance exams by getting 480 points out of 800 can study for free.

These measures are part of Naranbayar’s plan to reform the country’s education system by making it more transparent, effective, and children-oriented. Since becoming a minister in July, he has already introduced dozens of changes covering everything from pre-school to higher education.

Here is a Facebook post with Naranbayar's greetings on the new school year and the ministry's reform plans for the 2024-2025 academic year.

Perhaps the most impressive measure is Naranbayar’s promise and efforts to ensure there are enough kindergartens for all children. In this regard, the ministry has rented out additional buildings to accommodate more children and enrolling into a kindergarten is now done through an electronic platform, eliminating corruption risks.

His school related reforms include significantly reducing homework loads, introducing health lessons at schools, simplifying school uniforms from three piece sets to polo shirts, allocating days for school children to attend museums and theater to foster their creativity, and moving away from outdated assessments and teaching methods.

For example, Naranbayar has instructed teachers to stop measuring students’ reading speed and focus on making sure students understand what they read. Additionally, he has ordered schools to allow students from grade one to five to use pencils instead of pens, explaining that using pencils promotes the freedom to make mistakes and correct them without a fear of punishment.

The most notable change related to higher education has been Naranbayar’s appointment of O. Siilegma as the new head of the Education Loan Fund, which issues loans for higher education. Siilegma was one of the whistleblowers who reported about persistent and large-scale corruption at the fund, and she is now tasked with making it transparent and corruption free.

Prior to becoming minister, Naranbayar served as a director of one of the best private schools in the capital, Shine Mongol. Reforming Mongolia’s education sector is a far more daunting challenge and will require buy in and commitment from multiple stakeholders with diverging views and interests.

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Central Asians display unprecedented regional solidarity at the Paris Olympics https://globalvoices.org/2024/08/27/central-asians-display-unprecedented-regional-solidarity-at-the-paris-olympics/ https://globalvoices.org/2024/08/27/central-asians-display-unprecedented-regional-solidarity-at-the-paris-olympics/#respond Tue, 27 Aug 2024 07:34:13 +0000 https://globalvoices.org/?p=819226 It gave off extended family vibes

Originally published on Global Voices

Uzbekistan's national boxing team coach, Akmal Hasanov serving as cornerman to Kyrgyz boxer Munarbek Seyitbek Uulu at the Paris Olympics. Screenshot from the video “Борбор Азияны бириктирген Олимпиада | “Биз жана дүйнө”” from Азаттык‘s YouTube channel. Fair use.

On August 22, Akmal Hasanov, a boxing coach from Uzbekistan, was awarded the Medal of Chingiz Aitmatov by the government of Kyrgyzstan for helping Kyrgyz boxer Munarbek Seyitbek Uulu at the 2024 Summer Olympics in Paris. Due to the accreditation issues, Munarbek’s longtime personal coach could not accompany him to the Olympics, leaving him without a cornerman to advise and adjust during bouts.

In a show of brotherly support and Central Asian solidarity, Hasanov stepped up as Munarbek’s cornerman and helped him reach the final, where he won silver and became the first Kyrgyz boxer to win a medal at the Olympics.

Here is a YouTube video of an interview with Akmal Hasanov, in which he talks about helping Munarbek Seyitbek Uulu.

The Chingiz Aitmatov Medal is one of the most prestigious state awards in Kyrgyzstan, bestowed upon individuals for achievements in culture, education, science, literature, and art, as well as strengthening cultural and international ties. Hasanov’s support for Munarbek strengthened people-to-people ties between the two countries.

This was evident on social media, where users from Kyrgyzstan expressed gratitude to Hasanov and called for him to be rewarded for cornering Munarbek. Commenting on his support, Hasanov noted that it was a sign of the friendship between the two nations and quoted a proverb that goes: “A close neighbor is better than a distant relative.”

This was just one example of unprecedented regional solidarity displayed by Central Asian athletes and fans at the Olympics in Paris. In a setting where nations fiercely compete against each other and fans support only their own, it was striking to see Central Asian fans cheering for their neighbors and athletes expressing genuine excitement and support for their regional rivals.

A vivid example of it was the pair of wrestlers: Kazakhstan’s Demeu Zhadrayev and Kyrgyzstan’s Akzhol Makhmudov, who won silver and bronze medals respectively. Zhadrayev beat Makhmudov in the quarter-final stage and reached the final, which allowed Makhmudov to wrestle for bronze because his only loss was to the finalist.

Zhadrayev later revealed in the interview that he viewed Makhmudov as his own younger brother and was worried more about Makhmudov getting a shot at bronze than winning gold. Zhadraev won in the semifinal, and had he lost that match, Makhmudov would have gone home empty handed.

Here is an Instagram video with an excerpt from Demeu Zhadrayev's interview in which he talks about his relationship with Akzhol Makhmudov.

Solidarity among fans could be observed both in Paris and Central Asia. Uzbek fans in the stands in Paris held flags of all five Central Asian nations and were seen cheering for their neighbor countries’ athletes whenever they competed. Central Asians watching the Olympics in their home countries also cheered for regional athletes. A Kazakh poet and blogger Bek Shimat even composed and sang songs in which he congratulated Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan on the victories of their athletes.

Here is a YouTube video about Central Asian solidarity at the Paris Olympics.

This level of solidarity showcased that Central Asians have developed a common regional identity and view each other as more than just adjacent nations. Bound by shared history, culture, language, religion, and traditions — especially the Turkic speaking peoples in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan — Central Asians have been building and strengthening people-to-people ties since 1991, when they gained independence after the disintegration of the Soviet Union. The fruits of this organic grassroots level engagement and unity were on display at the biggest sporting competition.

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Meet the US boxer who laid the foundation of boxing in Uzbekistan https://globalvoices.org/2024/08/19/meet-the-us-boxer-who-laid-the-foundation-of-boxing-in-uzbekistan/ https://globalvoices.org/2024/08/19/meet-the-us-boxer-who-laid-the-foundation-of-boxing-in-uzbekistan/#respond Mon, 19 Aug 2024 12:39:15 +0000 https://globalvoices.org/?p=818774 Sydney Jackson coached children in Tashkent for 45 years

Originally published on Global Voices

Sydney Jackson with his boxing students in Tashkent. Screenshot from the video “«Феномен Сиднея Джаксона» документальный фильм” from Uzbek TV‘s YouTube channel. Fair use.

The Uzbekistan men’s national boxing team created history at the 2024 Summer Olympics in Paris by winning gold in five out of eight weight categories, which helped it go down as the most successful performance in the history of Olympic boxing. Hasanboy Dusmatov (up to 51 kg), Abdulmalik Khalokov (up to 57 kg), Asadhudja Muidinhujaev (up to 71 kg), Lazizbek Mullojonov (92 kg), Bakhodir Jalolov (over 92 kg) all became Olympic champions. Dusmatov and Zhalolov won Olympic gold for the second time, cementing their legendary status in Uzbekistan’s sports history.

The Uzbek boxers’ performances helped Uzbekistan record its most successful outing at the Olympics, which saw it win eight gold, two silver, and three bronze medals and finish 13th out of 206 participant nations. Uzbekistan’s historic performance in Paris was not a surprise for boxing enthusiasts. Since the country gained independence in 1991, its boxers have been shining in major international tournaments, with their successes growing over the last 33 years.

Here is a YouTube video about the rise of Uzbekistan's boxers.

For example, Uzbekistan’s boxing team finished first at the 2016 Summer Olympics in Rio de Janeiro after winning three gold, two silver, and three bronze medals. The 2023 World Boxing Championship, held in Uzbekistan’s capital Tashkent, foretold the Uzbek boxers’ success at the Paris Olympics, after they won five gold, two silver, and two bronze medals. While modern day figures in Uzbek boxing, such as Jalolov, Dusmatov, and the national team’s head coach Tulkin Kilichev, are household names, there is one person whose contributions often get overlooked.

The foundations for Uzbekistan’s current success in world boxing were laid more than a hundred years ago perhaps by the least likely person for this role, an Uzbek-American boxer and coach named Sydney Jackson. Born in 1886 into a working class Jewish-American family in New York, Jackson took up boxing at 12 years. He was a national champion and was a member of the US national team, a feat that allowed him to travel around the world.

In 1914, while Jackson was in Russia, where he went to “see bears walking on the streets,” World War I broke out, making the return home via Europe impossible. The only way back home was via Afghanistan, and, in 1916, Jackson arrived in Tashkent, the capital of the Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic, which bordered Afghanistan. After failing to receive money for travel from his family, Jackson stayed in Uzbekistan, first working as a tailor and then fighting within the ranks of the Red Army in the Russian Civil War.

In 1921, he returned to Tashkent and started coaching boxing at the newly established local sports club. His was the first ever boxing club in Uzbekistan. In that same year, during a meeting with the US diplomat in Tashkent, who presented him with an opportunity to return to the US, Jackson said it was “too late” to go back and chose to stay, saying that it was “a great honor to serve” people where he was.

He continued coaching children until his death in 1966. In 1957, Jackson was awarded the title of “Honored Trainer” of the Soviet Union. Thousands of children went through his boxing school, and some of them went on to become world and Olympic champions, not to mention dozens of boxers who won national championships.

Here is a documentary film about the legacy of Sydney Jackson.

Jackson’s incredible story serves as a testament of the influence a person can have over an entire sport and several generations of athletes. He left an indelible mark on sports in Uzbekistan and helped establish what has undoubtedly become one of the finest boxing schools in the world.

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US diplomats’ memoirs offer candid tales of Central Asian history https://globalvoices.org/2024/08/12/us-diplomats-memoirs-offer-candid-tales-of-central-asian-history/ https://globalvoices.org/2024/08/12/us-diplomats-memoirs-offer-candid-tales-of-central-asian-history/#respond Mon, 12 Aug 2024 12:15:59 +0000 https://globalvoices.org/?p=818383 They cover personalities, pipelines, air bases, and vodka diplomacy

Originally published on Global Voices

Former US and Kazakh presidents, Donald Trump and Nursultan Nazarbayev, at the joint press statements during Nazarbayev's visit to Washington D.C. in 2018. Screenshot from the video “President Trump Participates in Joint Press Statements with President Nursultan Nazarbayev” from the Trump White House Archived YouTube channel. Fair use.

In June, George Krol, a former US ambassador to Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, shared his memories of working in these two Central Asian countries, emphasizing his interactions with these states’ first presidents. In the memoir titled “A tale of two first presidents: Islam Karimov and Nursultan Nazarbayev” Krol recounts his conversations with the late Uzbek president Islam Karimov, during which he felt like a “psychiatrist” with Karimov “at times regretting some actions he had done in the past but also explaining his rationale.”

With regards to the former Kazakh president Nursultan Nazarbayev, Krol describes him as a “natural and practiced charmer, especially with foreigners,” a trait that helped him click with the former US president Donald Trump during their meeting, so much so that Trump jokingly offered Nazarbayev a place on his team.

Krol’s essay was published as part of an initiative launched by Harvard University’s Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies. Within its framework, American diplomats who worked in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan recall their memories of working in the region, after these countries gained independence in 1991 following the disintegration of the Soviet Union. The memoirs provide a sneak peek into the personalities of Central Asian presidents and animosities between them, help make sense of the US’s shifting policy interests, and explain reasons for success and failure behind major energy and infrastructure projects in the region.

Peaceful transition, nuclear arms, and air bases

Alarmed by the violent aftermath of Yugoslavia’s disintegration, Central Asian states’ peaceful transition to statehood, sovereignty, and territorial integrity was one of the US’s priorities in the early 1990s. Former US ambassador to Kyrgyzstan (1994–1997), Eileen Malloy, in her memoir titled “Kyrgyzstan in time of hunger,” explains how this approach wielded tailored assistance programs for each country, which, in the case of Kyrgyzstan, required stabilizing economy and fostering democratic growth.

In parallel, the US engaged with Kazakhstan in nuclear non-proliferation talks, which resulted in Kazakhstan relinquishing its nuclear arms arsenal in return for investment into extracting and exporting its vast natural oil resources. The memoirs also retell how the US-led “War on terror,” which started with the invasion of Afghanistan in 2001, turned Central Asia from a diplomatic backwater to a strategically important region by offering transit routes and air bases for the US military.

Former US ambassador to Tajikistan (2001–2003) Franklin Huddle’s memoir, titled “9/11: The American discovery of Tajikistan,” offers a detailed account of the negotiation process that secured US an air base in Tajikistan. He shares awkwardness that followed after the US abandoned these plans in favor of maintaining air bases in the neighboring Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan instead.

Successful bridge and failed pipeline

This backtracking on commitments required the US to undertake actions to right the ship and resulted in the construction of the Tajik–Afghan Bridge over the Pyanj river, which was unveiled in 2007. Huddle reveals that he suggested this idea to then US Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfield. In the conversation with Huddle, Rumsfield admitted that the US “owed one to them [Tajikistan],” asked him what it could offer to make up for the diplomatic debacle, and simply nodded after learning the estimated cost (USD 10 million) for the bridge.

Former US ambassador to Turkmenistan (1998–2001), Steven Mann’s memoir titled “In the court of Turkmenbashi” explains why the promising Trans-Caspian Gas Pipeline, which envisioned exporting Turkmen gas to Europe via the bed of the Caspian Sea, and then Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Turkey, fell through despite having a lot of potential. Mann reveals that the late Niyazov demanded USD 5 billion, which was lowered to USD 3 billion, before the consortium built the pipeline and started exporting gas, and insisted on the revenue from exports being deposited to the government accounts first and then be distributed among the consortium members.

This pair of unrealistic demands expectedly chased away the investors. However, Niyazov stuck by them and later told Mann: “If I had built that pipeline, Russia would have cut off my economy. I needed that money to take care of my people if Russia boycotted us.” Mann acknowledges that the pipeline would indeed undermine Russia’s influence over Turkmenistan. He also attributes Niyazov’s hatred for the late Azeri president Heydar Aliyev as another reason for the failure, since building and maintaining such a pipeline required constant and healthy political dialogue between these leaders.

A fool, physicist, and lover of ornate addresses

Personal relations between Central Asian leaders is another interesting aspect revealed in the memoirs. A recurring theme in them is Karimov’s loathsome attitude and lack of respect towards his regional colleagues. For example, in his memoir titled “Negotiating with Karimov,” former US Ambassador to Uzbekistan (1997–2000) Joseph Pressel shares that Karimov preferred “to discuss his Central Asian peers” over other topics with Pressel and abundantly made it known that “he did not like any of them” and was “particularly scornful of Saparmurat Niyazov in Turkmenistan, whom he called a fool, and Askar Akayev in Kyrgyzstan, of whom he said that he was not even a politician, ‘only a physicist,’” since Akayev was a scientist by training.

Similarly, in his memoir, Krol shares a story of how Karimov took a jab at the Tajik president Emomali Rahmon during their first meeting. When he addressed Karimov with “Your most noble and excellent excellency,” Karimov suddenly stopped him and told him to never address him that way again, instructing to “save this type of fancy greeting for the likes of the Tajik (President) Rahmon,” because he “loves this sort of ornate address.”

Krol also remembers Karimov’s meeting with the former US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, during which Clinton suggested Karimov to take on the regional leadership role, a request Karimov declined and used it to take a shot at Nazarbayev by saying that the US should offer this to him, since Nazarbayev “LOVES being called a leader.”

In Central Asia, history books are mostly churned out either by the state propaganda machines or presidential memoirs. This results in the politically expedient account of history and endless glorification of the former and current political leaders. In this context, the US diplomats’ memoirs offer a unique, frank, and fresh take on the history of the region. They reveal political, economic, and social challenges these countries faced at the onset of their indepedence, how they sought to address them, and what role US played in these processes whiles pursuing its own interests.

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Mongolia’s olympic uniforms draw praise abroad and criticism at home https://globalvoices.org/2024/07/19/mongolias-olympic-uniforms-draw-praise-abroad-and-criticism-at-home/ https://globalvoices.org/2024/07/19/mongolias-olympic-uniforms-draw-praise-abroad-and-criticism-at-home/#respond Fri, 19 Jul 2024 06:36:06 +0000 https://globalvoices.org/?p=817041 An obscure fashion label is taking the world by storm

Originally published on Global Voices

A model wearing Mongolia's ceremonial Olympic uniform. Screenshot from the video “Team Mongolia uniform for Paris Olympics 2024″ from Michel Amazonka‘s YouTube channel. Fair use.

On July 3, Mongolian fashion label Michel&Amazonka unveiled ceremonial Olympic uniforms, which will be worn by Mongolian athletes at the opening and closing ceremonies of the 2024 Summer Olympics in Paris. There are four sets of uniforms, two for men and women athletes and two for men and women flag bearers.

Here is a YouTube video with Mongolia's ceremonial Olympic uniforms.

All of them are inspired by the traditional piece of Mongolian clothing called deel, an ankle-long asymmetrical robe with long sleeves. The vests, which serve as the centerpiece of the outfits, feature a blend of national and Olympic symbols, including the Gua Maral (mystical deer), Nine White Banners, and the Olympic torch.

Here are Instagram posts with women and men flag bearers’ uniforms.

 

View this post on Instagram

 

A post shared by Michel&Amazonka (@michelamazonka)

 

View this post on Instagram

 

A post shared by Michel&Amazonka (@michelamazonka)

Since their release, the uniforms have gone viral online, drawing praise from people worldwide. Judging by the reactions of people on the internet, bloggers, and fashion-oriented media, Mongolia has already won the upcoming Olympics when it comes to creating the most beautiful uniforms. For example, the popular US fashion magazine Vogue placed the Mongolian uniforms on the top of its best Olympic uniforms list. This overwhelming positive feedback from different parts of the world has turned the uniforms into one of the most talked-about topics in the lead-up to the Olympics.

Standing behind these uniforms and basking in glory of its sensational creations is the relatively new and unknown Mongolian fashion label started by two sisters, Yanjindulam (Michel) and Nyamkhand (Amazonka) Choigaalaa, in 2015. The label is known for adding a modern touch to traditional Mongolian clothes, an approach  evident in the uniforms, which “express the essence of Mongolian tradition and culture in the contemporary light.”

Previously, the label designed and produced Mongolia’s Olympic uniforms for the 2020 Tokyo Summer Olympics and 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics. The uniforms worn in Tokyo Olympics also received praise, but on a much smaller scale and only after foreign audiences saw them at the opening ceremony.

In stark contrast to unanimous praise from abroad, the initial domestic reactions to the Olympic uniforms have been mostly negative. Mongolians criticized Michel&Amazonka for a lack of creativity and blamed the label for replicating the Manchu clothing of Manchu people, an ethnic minority from China. The criticism was so overwhelming that the label reacted to it with a video in which one of the founders even cried in response to the hate from the public.

Here is a post on Facebook criticizing the uniforms’ resemblance to the traditional clothing of Manchu people in China.

Explanations for the criticism lie in the country’s history. In 1691, Mongolia came under the control of the Manchu-led Qing Dynasty and remained subjugated to Chinese rule for more than 200 years until declaring independence in 1911. This lengthy imperial rule exploited Mongolia’s natural resources, tried to assimilate the local population into Chinese culture, and crushed attempts to regain independence. Thus, elements of Mongolian culture that bear resemblance to Manchu culture, such as the Olympic uniforms, serve as a trigger for Mongolians by reminding of the imperial legacy and tragic period in their history.

Growing international praise is consoling Michel&Amazonka and may help Mongolians to separate the uniforms from the traumatic historical legacies and enjoy their beauty that has brought admiration and interest to their country.

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Mongolia's new electoral system results in greater representation in the parliament https://globalvoices.org/2024/07/03/mongolias-new-electoral-system-results-in-greater-representation-in-the-parliament/ https://globalvoices.org/2024/07/03/mongolias-new-electoral-system-results-in-greater-representation-in-the-parliament/#respond Wed, 03 Jul 2024 13:21:09 +0000 https://globalvoices.org/?p=815947 The rivals of the ruling party might call it a victory

Originally published on Global Voices

Parliamentary candidates’ posters hung in Mongolia's capital Ulaanbaatar. Screenshot from the video “Mongolia heads to polls amid weak opposition, corruption scandals and public frustration” from the Al Jazeera English YouTube channel. Fair use.

On June 28, Mongolia held parliamentary elections, which the Mongolian People’s Party (MPP) won by securing 68 out of 126 seats in the Great State Khural, Mongolia’s unicameral parliament. This victory will extend its eight-year long rule by another four.

The turnout was 69.4 percent, and the rest of the seats were divided among four parties. The Democratic Party (DP) got 42 seats, the Hun (Human) Party got eight, and the National Coalition and Civil Courage Green Party each got four seats, reaching a major milestone in Mongolian politics. It was the first time in the country’s history as many as five political parties won seats in parliament.

Here is a YouTube video with the elections results.

For decades political life in Mongolia has been dominated by the two main parties: the MPP and the DP. The MPP is the heir to the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party, established in 1920. During Mongolia’s nearly 70-year-long communist era, the MPP was the only party in the country.

In 1990, Mongolia transitioned to democracy and a free market economy, changing the political landscape and giving birth to many political parties, five of which eventually merged and formed the DP in 2000. Since that transition Mongolia has been a parliamentary republic, highlighting the importance of parliamentary elections in shaping the legislative and executive branches.

A total of nine parliamentary elections were held in the last 34 years, all of which were deemed free and fair by most observers. The MPP has been a dominant force throughout this period by winning six of them due to the strong party structure and organization, large membership base, and established positions in rural areas.

DP-led coalitions won twice, and the 2004 elections resulted in a coalition government. A noticeable and worrying trend in these elections has been the declining voter turnout. The latest elections recorded 69.5 percent turnout, the lowest  since its peak in 1990, when it was a staggering 96 percent. It has been declining since 1990.

A major contributing factor to this decline have been the constant alterations made to the electoral law, which has created confusion and suspicion among voters. Mongolia has reshuffled between the majoritarian, plurality (first-past-the-post) and mixed parallel electoral systems in eight out of nine elections.

The fact that these changes were adopted by the ruling parties in the years preceding elections hinted at the fact that they were made by self-interested actors to increase their chances of re-election undermined citizens’ trust in the election process. A glaring example of it was the of the newly adopted block voting system used in the 2020 elections, which helped the MPP to win 61 out of 76 seats, although it received less than half of the total votes.

The latest change to the electoral system took place in May 2023, which saw the number of members of parliament increase from 76 to 126 and adoption of a mixed electoral system to ensure proportionality and representation.

Here is a YouTube video about the new electoral system.

The results of the new system were significant. The MPP’s supermajority turned into a slim majority with only 54 percent of the seats and four other parties either strengthened their positions or established presence in the parliament. For example, the Hun Party got eight seats in contrast to only one in the previous 2020 elections.

The weakening of the MPP’s positions were also caused by several major corruption cases, including the 2022 coal export, 2023 education fund, and 2024 bus procurement scandals. As the ruling party, the MPP bore responsibility for these gross violations, undermining its reputation.

The next four years will test Mongolia’s ability to address challenges and harness opportunities presented by greater political diversity and representation. They will also help to find out whether the country has found an optimal electoral system, which is in the interest of the whole nation, and not just one party.

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Kyrgyzstan’s president’s niece undermines his efforts to remold national traditions https://globalvoices.org/2024/07/01/kyrgyzstans-presidents-niece-undermines-his-efforts-to-remold-national-traditions/ https://globalvoices.org/2024/07/01/kyrgyzstans-presidents-niece-undermines-his-efforts-to-remold-national-traditions/#respond Mon, 01 Jul 2024 06:00:38 +0000 https://globalvoices.org/?p=815557 His critics can now accuse him of hypocrisy

Originally published on Global Voices

The Kyrgyzstan's president's niece Lazzat Nurkojoeva standing in front of the helicopter that took her to her engagement ceremony. Screenshot from the video “Лазат Нуркожоеванын сүйүктүү колун сурады” from Жашоо YouTube channel. Fair use.

On June 26, Kyrgyzstan’s president Sadyr Japarov issued a public apology for the lavish engagement ceremony involving his niece Lazzat Nurkojoeva and her fiancé, which drew a lot of criticism from the public. On June 24, Nurkojoeva posted a video and photos of the engagement ceremony on her Instagram page, in which the couple arrived at an undisclosed location in the mountains near the capital Bishkek on a helicopter owned by the Ministry of Emergency Situations.

Here is a YouTube video of the engagement ceremony.

Commenting on the ceremony, Japarov admitted that its lavishness contradicted the authorities’ work “to stop the wastefulness” characteristic of life-cycle events, such as weddings and funerals, and noted that “relatives of the country's leadership should be an example for others.” He added that he “used to criticize others” for similar behaviour and now it was his turn to “apologize to the people” for his niece.

As for using the ministry’s helicopter, Japarov explained that anyone can rent it, and the money will go to buying more helicopters in the future. The ministry backed Japarov’s words with the receipt confirming that the president’s future son-in-law paid USD 1,800 to rent the helicopter for one hour.

The over-the-top engagement ceremony delivered a blow to the authorities ongoing work to remold local traditions surrounding the celebration of major life-cycle events. These efforts are initiated and led by the president himself, who has been the biggest critic of the lavish way people in Kyrgyzstan organize funerals and other events. In February 2022, Japarov signed a decree banning the slaughter of animals at funerals.

It is customary in Kyrgyzstan to slaughter multiple animals at funerals as a sign of respect for the deceased and distribute meat to those who attend funerals, whose numbers can sometimes reach thousands but usually hover around several hundred. While the rich can afford such expenses, those who do not have the means feel societal pressure and spend their last savings and sometimes incur debt to slaughter animals.

Japarov explained that the current traditions force “poor families” to compete with the rich and “slaughter their only cow and see off their loved ones on their last journey, while they themselves are left with nothing.” Thus, the traditions were labelled as “negative manifestations and vices” and “excessive waste” in need of eradication.

Here is a Facebook post on Japarov's official page with the explanation of the decree.

Урматтуу кыргызстандыктар!Бүгүн ушундай Жарлык чыгаруу чечимин кабыл алдым. Бул Жарлыкка ылайык, кыргызстандыктардын…

Posted by Садыр Жапаров on Thursday, February 24, 2022

To enforce the decree, Japarov has called on the local authorities, religious figures, and media to conduct awareness raising work among the population to reduce expenses and instructed officials to hold funerals and other events without large expenses. Akylbek Japarov, head of the Cabinet of Minsters, has ordered officials not to attend weddings and other celebrations if they see “wastefulness.” In Bishkek, the municipal authorities are trying to convince restaurants owners to refuse to host the events of those clients who insist on organizing lavish ceremonies and slaughtering animals.

Here is a video about the authorities’ attempts to stop wastefulness at restaurants in Bishkek.

Since there are no punishments for not obeying the decree, the authorities are operating with limited leverage and failing to reach immediate results. The draft Law on weddings, family celebrations, funerals and memorials, which was initiated in 2022, has not moved past the parliament. The bill sets limits on the number of guests that can be invited to various events and fines to violating these norms.

Japarov’s plan to get rid of the perceived wastefulness surrounding national traditions has not gone smoothly thus far, and his niece’s lavish engagement is a perhaps the biggest sign of it.

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Wild horses return to their historic natural habitat in Kazakhstan https://globalvoices.org/2024/06/14/wild-horses-return-to-their-historic-natural-habitat-in-kazakhstan/ https://globalvoices.org/2024/06/14/wild-horses-return-to-their-historic-natural-habitat-in-kazakhstan/#respond Fri, 14 Jun 2024 11:20:07 +0000 https://globalvoices.org/?p=814661 From living in zoos to roaming the endless steppe

Originally published on Global Voices

Przewalski's horses being released into the wild in northern Kazakhstan. Screenshot from the video “Home at last: Wild horse species returns to the Kazakh steppes | AFP” from the AFP News Agency YouTube channel. Fair use.

On June 4, three Przewalski’s horses arrived in Kazakhstan from the Praha Zoo in the Czech Republic. These horses are considered the last wild breed of never domesticated horses. They were later joined by four other horses, which arrived from the Berlin Zoo, totaling the number of the newly reintroduced wild horses to seven: six mares and one stallion. Another stallion from the Praha Zoo, supposed to arrive in Kazakhstan, fell ill on the way to the airport and is expected to come later.

Kazakhstan plans to reintroduce 40 Przewalski’s horses in the next five years. All of them will live in the wild in the Altyn Dala (Golden Steppe) State Natural Reserve located in the northern Kostanay region of the country.

Here is an Instagram post with the video of the wild horses’ reintroduction in northern Kazakhstan.

 

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A post shared by Zoo Praha (@zoopraha)

This initiative became a major milestone in global wildlife preservation efforts to save Przewalski’s horses from extinction and reintroduce them to their natural habitat. Before their extinction in the wild in 1968, these horses roamed throughout the Eurasian steppe for millennia. Encroachment by humans and domesticated animals as well as hunting and environmental changes put an end to their life in the wild. The last wild Przewalski’s horse in Kazakhstan was seen 200 years ago.

There are over 1,500 of these horses left in the world, living in zoos and reintroduction sites in Mongolia, China, and Kazakhstan. They all descend from the 11 wild horses that were captured in north-western China in the early 20th century and brought to zoos in Europe, where they were first mainly exhibited and later extensively bred after going extinct in the wild.

Przewalski’s horses’ name derives from the Russian geographer Nikolay Przewalsky, who was the first to introduce them to the European scientific community after discovering an unusually large skull in 1878 in the border area between China and Mongolia. He later encountered them in the wild but failed to capture alive and bring one home, describing them as “highly anxious” and possessing “an extraordinary sense of smell, sight, and hearing.”

Here is a YouTube video about wild horses’ reintroduction in Mongolia.

In Mongolia, they are known as “takhi,” which means wild. In Kazakhstan, the government adopted a decree in 2024, according to which Przewalski’s horses carry the names “kerkulan” (bay kulan) and “kertagy” (bay wild horse), which highlight their wild nature and sandy bay color.

Their reintroduction in northern Kazakhstan carries enormous symbolic significance. It was in this region of the world, where the prehistoric Botai culture thrived, that horses were first domesticated 5,500 years ago. The latest research suggests that horses became the main mode of transportation 4,200 years ago, revealing that for thousands of years before that they were used mainly for milk and meat.

This historic fact is reflected in modern Kazakhstan, where horses constitute a main element of everyday life. For example, one of the national drinks is a fermented horse milk known as kymyz, and horse meat is the main ingredient of the national dish called besbarmak. Additionally, the main national game, kokpar, is played on horseback.

This is not the first time Kazakhstan has attempted to reintroduce wild horses. In 2003, 10 Przewalski’s horses were brought to the Altyn Emel National Park in the southeast of the country. The program has not been successful, with their number decreasing to five, due to the lack of a stallion to reproduce and to guard the mares from predators.

However, there is also a reason to be optimistic of the new program. Kazakhstan’s astounding success at saving the saiga antelope from the brink of extinction is widely recognized as an exemplary wildlife conservation effort. Their number has risen from less than 21,000 in 2003 to 1.9 million in 2023. The hope is that kertagy horses can be similarly successful and thrive in the steppes where their ancestors once roamed.

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President Zelenskyy’s first interview with Central Asian journalists warns of dangers of being in Russia’s orbit https://globalvoices.org/2024/06/03/president-zelenskyys-first-interview-with-central-asian-journalists-warns-of-dangers-of-being-in-russias-orbit/ https://globalvoices.org/2024/06/03/president-zelenskyys-first-interview-with-central-asian-journalists-warns-of-dangers-of-being-in-russias-orbit/#respond Mon, 03 Jun 2024 08:50:14 +0000 https://globalvoices.org/?p=813946 The war has created a gap between once close partners

Originally published on Global Voices

Ukraine's president Volodymyr Zelenskyy speaking to journalists from Central Asia. Screenshot from the video “Владимир Зеленский пообщался с представителями СМИ Центральной Азии. Главные темы разговора” from the Freedom. Live YouTube channel. Fair use.

On May 24, Ukraine’s president Volodymyr Zelenskyy gave his first interview to journalists from Central Asia in the eastern Ukrainian city of Kharkiv. The interview took place at the destroyed printing house, which had been hit by a Russian missile a day earlier. Journalists and activists from Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan requested  Zelenskyy to speak in Russian, and he agreed since they “are not from Russia.”

Here is Zelenskyy's interview with Central Asian journalists.

When asked why he decided to give an interview to Central Asian journalists after more than two years of war, Zelenskyy noted the importance of them visiting Ukraine and seeing everything in person, so that “others cannot advance their narratives” about the war. He added people in Central Asia should see “the real consequences of the war, what the Russian world brings and what it will definitely try to bring” to the region.

The interview came at a time when people in Central Asia remain divided regarding their opinion on the war in Ukraine. In 2023, 75 percent of respondents in Kyrgyzstan and 67 percent in Kazakhstan closely followed the war in Ukraine, according to the public survey conducted by the Central Asia Barometer. Russia, Ukraine, and the US/West are viewed as three main parties responsible for the war.

Although the narratives about the US/West and Ukraine being guilty for the war are widespread, there is also a considerable number of people who blame Russia or struggle to make up their mind on who is to blame. There is room for Ukraine to promote its narratives in Central Asia as part of its outreach work with the global majority.

The dangers of being in Russia’s orbit were a big part of the interview as Zelenskyy noted that the Central Asian states cannot be truly safe and independent as long as they remain aligned with the Kremlin. He stated that the Russia-led integration projects, such as the Collective Security Treaty Organization and the Eurasian Economic Union, serve as tools to exert influence and will not save the region from possible military aggression in the future.

Zelenskyy added that, should Central Asian states pursue policies that contradict Russia’s interests, they will face either partial occupation or “a full-scale invasion, and, of course, death and war.” Kazakhstan was listed as one of Russia’s most likely targets due to them sharing a border and the large number of ethnic Russians living in Kazakhstan, who make up 15.1 percent of the population.

These warnings are not figments of Zelenskyy’s imagination. Since the start of the war in Ukraine in February 2022, Russia’s rhetoric towards Central Asia has grown increasingly hostile, questioning the regional states’ agency, sovereignty, and territorial integrity. Russian politicians and media figures have threatened Central Asian states with invasion and annexation, using language similar to that used against Ukraine prior to its invasion.

The war in Ukraine has forced Central Asian states to walk a diplomatic tightrope by balancing between aiding Russia’s war efforts and avoiding Western sanctions. Although they declare a neutral position, the regional states de-facto lean towards Russia, which uses them to import sanctioned items to manufacture weapons and military equipment.

Here is a YouTube video about how Central Asian companies are helping Russia bypass Western sanctions.

Zelenskyy explained this contradiction between statements and actions with “the fear of Kremlin,” adding that it is the same fear that will keep Central Asian leaders from attending the upcoming Summit on Peace in Ukraine, which will be held on June 15–16 in Switzerland.

Russia’s grip over the region does not leave not much room to develop official ties between Ukraine and Central Asia, but people-to-people relations are a different story, with Central Asian peoples expressing solidarity and offering help to Ukrainians. These gestures are recognized by Zelenskyy who aptly summed it up with “I believe that your peoples are our friends.”

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Riots against foreign students in Kyrgystan undermine its people-to-people ties with South Asia https://globalvoices.org/2024/05/28/riots-against-foreign-students-in-kyrgystan-undermine-its-people-to-people-ties-with-south-asia/ https://globalvoices.org/2024/05/28/riots-against-foreign-students-in-kyrgystan-undermine-its-people-to-people-ties-with-south-asia/#respond Tue, 28 May 2024 14:43:08 +0000 https://globalvoices.org/?p=813611 Violence was sparked by viral one-sided videos

Originally published on Global Voices

Pakistani students arriving at the Lahore airport in Pakistan. Screenshot from the video “Пакистан специальным рейсом вывез своих граждан из Бишкека” (Pakistan evacuated its citizens out of Bishkek on a special flight) from Kaktus Media‘s YouTube channel. Fair use.

On May 18, Kyrgyzstan witnessed an unforeseen riot against foreign students, who mainly come from Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan to study at medical universities in the capital Bishkek. Tensions escalated in Bishkek after a video of a brawl between foreigners and locals went viral on social media. The footage captured a moment when foreigners beat outnumbered locals at one of the hostels.

On May 17, around 1,000 protestors gathered in front of the place where the fight took place and demanded that foreigners be punished for beating up locals. Violence broke out as locals attacked a student dormitory on May 18, injuring 29 people.

The surviving students shared harrowing accounts of attacks against them on social media, and over 300 Pakistani students returned home immediately. Pakistan, India, and Bangladesh also expressed concern about their students and asked them to stay indoors to avoid mobs. The Kyrgyz government reacted strongly to the incident, condemning the violence, apologizing to the students, and promising that such incidents would not happen again. The incident highlighted the destructive power of misinformation on social media to incite violence and undermined growing social ties between Kyrgyzstan and South Asia.

What sparked the riot

The incident that sparked the violence took place on May 13, according to a statement released by Kyrgyzstan’s Ministry of Interior on May 18, 2024. At around 2:00 a.m., a group of four locals encountered a group of foreign students from Egypt and provoked a physical altercation, after which the foreigners ran to their hostel. The locals chased them down, entered the hostel, beat them, and took their phones and money. They then started assaulting other residents of the hostel, including young women.

The foreigners eventually fought back, and three of the four assaulters ran away, leaving one behind. The moment when the assailants were beaten up by the foreigners was caught on tape and was widely circulated on social media starting from the evening of May 16. The ministry also revealed that the assailant who was beaten at the hostel was later taken to a hospital where he used a fake name at the registry and did not file a complaint with the police regarding his injuries.

On May 17, young Kyrgyz men started arriving at the intersection of the Chui and Kurmanjan Datka streets in Bishkek, near the hostel where the incident took place, demanding that the foreigners who assaulted the local youngster be punished with full severity of the law. They were joined by other men throughout the night, and the number of protestors eventually reached over 1,000 people. The protest ended at 5 in the morning on May 18.

Here is a YouTube video with the protests on May 17–18.

Parallel to this protest, at around 2 in the morning, a group of locals stormed the dormitory of the International University of Kyrgyzstan, where foreign students from Pakistan and other countries live. Several foreign students were beaten. As a result of the unrest on May 17–18, 29 foreign nationals received injuries.

Social media fueled offline violence

Social media played a key role in spreading offline violence in this case. The video of the fight between locals and foreigners at the hostel was widely shared on Instagram and Telegram. The problem was that it only captured only one portion of the whole incident and did not provide any contextual information. None of the shared videos had a verified explanation of what caused the incident and who was involved, making it appear as if innocent locals were severely beaten by a group of foreigners.

What made the misinformation worse was the video issued by the police on May 18, in which the three of the four foreigners, who were detained after the incident, admitted their fault and apologized for their act. They, too, did not tell their own account of the incident and omitted the part about locals chasing them down to their hostel, beating and robbing them before the fight. The apology video appeared after the video of the beating was circulated on social media, causing public anger and protests.

As the riots were unfolding in Bishkek, misinformation was rife on social media in Pakistan, stating that four Pakistani students were killed and a number of female student were raped. However, the Pakistan government refuted those allegations.

Here is a post on X (formerly Twitter) with misinformation about the riots.

Foreign students in Kyrgyzstan

In the last decade, Kyrgyzstan has become a major destination for foreign students from India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh pursuing higher education abroad. As of 2023, there were 42,620 students from these three countries: 23,593 from India, 18,077 from Pakistan, and 950 from Bangladesh. For these students, private and public universities in Kyrgyzstan offer an opportunity to study medicine without difficult entry exams and expensive tuition fees: two main challenges they face at home.

For local universities, foreign students provide funds that enable them to upgrade their facilities and equipment. For example, the rector of the State Medical Academy, Kyrgyzstan’s largest medical education institution, admitted that 80 percent of all funds spent on upgrading the material and technical base of the university came from the tuition fees paid by foreign students. It is estimated that tuition fees paid by students from Pakistan and India annually reach USD 56.5 million.

Hundreds of Pakistani students have already left Kyrgyzstan, fearing for their safety. It is not yet clear how many of them will return and when they will do so. The violence against foreigners was an odd and irregular sighting, since there has never been such an incident before. The authorities and ordinary citizens alike are putting in work to right the ship by issuing their apologies and promises that they will not be subjected to violence in the future.

Kyrgyzstan’s president Sadyr Japarov has issued a video address following the violence, in which he called on locals to display hospitality to foreigners and warned that if such events repeat, law enforcement agencies will use “forceful dispersal methods from the first minutes.” The deputy head of the cabinet of ministers, Edil Baisalov, has met with the foreign students, apologized for what they went through, and assured that “all those responsible will be brought to justice.” In this regard, police have detained two suspects who assaulted and robbed students at the dorm and continue to search for other perpetrators.

In addition, popular Kyrgyz bloggers, singers, and actors recorded a public apology to foreign students.

Here is a post on Instagram with the local bloggers’ apology.

Meanwhile, locals delivered groceries to foreign students who were afraid to leave their homes and dorms.

Here is a post on X with videos of locals in Kyrgyzstan bringing groceries to foreign students.

On May 21, Pakistan’s Foreign Affairs Minister Ishaq Dar visited Bishkek and met with his counterpart Jeenbek Kulubekov, who briefed on the work done by local law-enforcement bodies to prosecute perpetrators and ensure safety of foreign students. On his part, Dar thanked Kulubekov taking prompt action to regulate the situation. All the stakeholders are working towards putting the incident behind them. However, it may take more time and effort to erase the damage done to Kyrgyzstan’s image as a safe destination for students from South Asia.

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Taliban bids on sports in Afghanistan to gain legitimacy at home and abroad https://globalvoices.org/2024/05/10/taliban-bids-on-sports-in-afghanistan-to-gain-legitimacy-at-home-and-abroad/ https://globalvoices.org/2024/05/10/taliban-bids-on-sports-in-afghanistan-to-gain-legitimacy-at-home-and-abroad/#respond Fri, 10 May 2024 13:39:47 +0000 https://globalvoices.org/?p=812595 Cricket's popularity is rising while women are banned from sports

Originally published on Global Voices

Gulbadin Naib, member of Afghanistan's national cricket team at the 2019 ICC Cricket World Cup. Screenshot from the video ”Gulbadin Naib? Morgan? | England vs Afghanistan – Top 5 Moments | ICC Cricket World Cup 2019“ from ICC YouTube channel. Fair use.  

On April 28, the Afghanistan’s men’s national futsal team capped off their run at the AFC Futsal Asian Cup with a win over Kyrgyzstan in the playoffs and earned a spot at the upcoming FIFA Futsal World Cup, which will be held in the fall of 2024 in Uzbekistan. This became an unprecedented achievement in Afghanistan’s sports history. Not only did the national team participate in their first-ever Asian Cup, but they also qualified for the World Cup for the first time.

Here is a post on Instagram with the Afghanistan futsal team's celebrations.

The success of the national futsal team became another major sporting accolade Afghanistan has achieved since the Taliban took over the country in August 2021. At the 2023 Cricket World Cup, Afghanistan's national team went on a historic and ultra-impressive run by beating the defending and former world champions: England, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka. Before this tournament, Afghanistan had only one cricket World Cup win since it started competing in World Cups in 2015.

Sports in Afghanistan are limited to men. After coming to power, the Taliban has banned women from playing sports as part of the broader discriminatory campaign against women. However, the group’s gross violations of women’s rights have not stopped international sporting bodies from allowing Taliban-sent athletes to take part in competitions. Every appearance and success of athletes sent by the Taliban to major international sporting events is a political win for the Taliban regime, which seeks international recognition and legitimacy at home and abroad.

Sports under different political regimes

Various sports have flourished under different regimes in Afghanistan throughout history. An ancient traditional sport that has stood the test of time is buzkashi, an equestrian sport, which is best defined as a mix of polo and wrestling. It remains popular today and was even featured in the popular Rambo III Hollywood action movie, in which the main character plays buzkashi during his journey in Afghanistan.

The start of conventional sports in Afghanistan dates back to the first half of the 20th century, when the country was a monarchy. Football was one of the sports that experienced a rise in popularity in this period. In 1922, the first national football team was formed, and in 1923, the famous Ghazi Stadium, was built in the capital Kabul. In 1948, Afghanistan joined FIFA.

In 1936, Afghanistan sent a group of 19 athletes to take part in the first summer Olympic games in its history. Since then, the country has sent athletes to 14 summer Olympic games, who have won a total of two bronze medals in taekwondo.

The first Taliban rule over Afghanistan, which lasted from 1996 to 2001, and the preceding decades-long instability changed the sports landscape in the country. Some popular sports such as buzkashi and kite flying were banned by the Taliban, and others such as football and cricket were allowed under the condition that players dress according to Islamic norms and wear pants instead of shorts.

In addition to hosting sporting events, during this period, stadiums were used as arenas for public executions carried out by the Taliban in front of large crowds. Women were banned from all sports, which led to the suspension of Afghanistan’s membership in the International Olympic Committee (IOC) in 1999 and the disqualification from the 2000 Summer Olympics in Sydney.

The following 20-year stretch of the Republic of Afghanistan from 2001 to 2021 removed barriers placed by the Taliban and facilitated the emergence of cricket as the most popular sport in the country. Women were allowed to practice sports again, and the first women participated in the 2004 Summer Olympics in Athens.

The refugees from Afghanistan who lived in Pakistan in the 1990s and were exposed to cricket there returned home and popularized the sport in Afghanistan. In 2001, Afghanistan joined the International Cricket Council and, in 2017, became a full fledged member. The national cricket team participated in the 2015 and 2019 Cricket World Cups.

Here is a YouTube video about the growth of cricket in Afghanistan.

Banning women from sports and promoting cricket

The Taliban’s return to power in 2021 brought back the ban on women playing sports in addition to numerous other restrictions forcing women athletes into exile or hiding. The group continues to use stadiums not only for a few selected sports, but also for public executions and floggings as thousands watch.

Due to these severe restrictions on women’s sports and other human rights abuses, women athletes from Afghanistan have called on the IOC to ban Taliban-ruled Afghanistan from the 2024 Paris Olympics. The IOC confirmed that it is in talks with Afghanistan and aims to have a gender-balanced team from the country. Whether it will happen or not remains unclear.

A precedent for a mixed team has been set at the 2023 Asian Olympics, where Afghanistan was represented by an all-men team sent by the Taliban and women athletes from Afghanistan who are currently living in exile in different parts of the world. In the 2024 Paris Olympics, women athletes from Afghanistan who are participating include Manizha Talash and Nigara Shaheen. They will be part of the Refugee Olympic Team, however.

The women athletes who are still in Afghanistan remain in hiding or try to leave for safety, and those who were forced to leave will remain in exile for as long as the Taliban remain in power. Nevertheless, determined women athletes from Afghanistan have continued their steadfast fight for recognition and opportunity. The women’s football team has been playing in Australia while pleading with FIFA to recognize and allow them to represent Afghanistan. FIFA has not accepted the team’s request yet. Over 126 female cyclists continue their cycling journeys in Canada.

Here is a YouTube video about Afghanistan's women national football team currently in exile in Australia.

Similar to the IOC, the International Cricket Council (ICC) has made an exception for Afghanistan. Afghanistan’s Cricket Board (ACB) continues to be a full member of the ICC despite not complying with the ICC’s rules and regulations, which requires its full members to set up teams for women’s cricket and develop a framework for their growth and progress. Currently, Afghanistan is the only full member of the ICC lacking a women’s team.

While the ICC remains largely silent, the Taliban continue to pay special attention to the development of cricket by allocating funds and facilitating the opening of private cricket academies. For example, at the 2023 Cricket World Cup, the CEO of Afghanistan’s Cricket Board revealed that the Taliban provided USD 1.2 million when the board faced financial difficulties in 2022. National cricket team players have also been spotted with Taliban leaders, including the group’s Minister of Interior Sirajuddin Haqqani.

The Taliban’s strict ideology has hindered the growth and freedom of sports; nevertheless, the group has also utilized sports as a means to gain recognition. The calculated strategy of the Taliban of promoting specific sports is aimed at projecting a sense of normalcy and asserting their authority.

Supporting and appearing in photos and videos next to cricket players, who are often viewed as national heroes in Afghanistan, helps the Taliban gain legitimacy at home. Sending national teams to international competitions gives them indirect recognition by global sports governing bodies. However the harsh reality is that athletes, especially women, face significant restrictions at home.

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What stands behind Central Asia’s ugly problem with domestic violence https://globalvoices.org/2024/04/29/what-stands-behind-central-asias-ugly-problem-with-domestic-violence/ https://globalvoices.org/2024/04/29/what-stands-behind-central-asias-ugly-problem-with-domestic-violence/#respond Mon, 29 Apr 2024 13:48:00 +0000 https://globalvoices.org/?p=811540 The authorities’ reluctance and indifference cost women lives and wellbeing

Originally published on Global Voices

Kuandyk Bishimbayev, who killed his wife Saltanat Nukenova, sitting in court in Astana, Kazakhstan. Screenshot from the video “«Шесть с половиной часов она меня мучила»: Бишимбаев рассказал, за что мстил Салтанат” from Informburo 31‘s YouTube channel. Fair use.

This post contains mentions of domestic violence which may be disturbing to some readers.

Since late March, Kazakhstan has been gripped by the ongoing jury trial of the former economy minister, Kuandyk Bishimbayev, who killed his wife, Saltanat Nukenova. A particularly disturbing detail of the case is that Bishimbayev beat her to death in a brutal ordeal that lasted eight hours at the restaurant owned by his family. The broadcasting of the trial has turned the case into the most widely discussed event in the country, stirring heated discussions on domestic violence.

While Bishimbayev was on trial, in neighboring Kyrgyzstan, the news about the murder of two women created headlines and brought the issue of domestic violence to the fore. One of them was killed by her partner, who kept the body for nine days before disposing of it in the nearby dumpster. Another was killed by her former husband, who stabbed her 27 times before calling an ambulance.

As a result of the public outcry and demand for changes, on April 11, Kazakhstan’s parliament passed a bill criminalizing domestic violence. While this is a much-needed legal step for addressing the problem, it is clear that domestic violence in Kazakhstan and elsewhere in Central Asia is a complex issue that requires more than new legislation. Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan, which have already adopted similar legislation, are still plagued by outrageous cases of domestic violence. What stands behind this widespread and persistent problem are destructive social norms and ineffective work by the relevant state bodies towards preventing violence and prosecuting perpetrators.

A transborder and long-standing problem

Domestic violence is a widespread issue in all the five Central Asian states: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. News about the assault and murder of women by their intimate partners, husbands, and boyfriends in these countries constantly appear in the media, revealing the problem’s growing scale and lack of effective mechanisms to protect women.

In 2023, the law enforcement authorities in Kazakhstan received 100,000 complaints of domestic violence, which is three times more than the number of complaints in the previous five years combined. In 2023, it was revealed that 869 people died and 2,086 received severe health damage from domestic violence in the preceding four and a half years. In 2017, a nationwide survey showed that at least 17 percent of all women in the country were physically abused by their intimate partners, and 51 percent of the affected said that they had not reported about it before.

Here is a documentary on domestic violence in Kazakhstan.

In Uzbekistan, where domestic violence was criminalized only in April 2023, 9,131 people were found guilty of the crime and received administrative and criminal sentences in 2023. For 2024, this number will likely grow, since, in the first three months of the year, the number of convicted reached 4,477 people.

In Tajikistan, domestic violence is yet to be criminalized. In 2023, Tajikistan ranked lowest out of 177 countries in the “Current intimate partner violence” category of the Global Women, Peace, and Security Index. This particular indicator measures the percentage of women who experienced physical and sexual violence by intimate partners. According to a UN study published in 2023, one third of women in Tajikistan experience domestic violence from intimate partners.

In Turkmenistan, a nationwide survey from 2020 revealed that 12 percent or one in every eight women in the country experienced physical and/or sexual violence from their intimate partners. The study also shed light on the fact that domestic violence cases are severely underreported, with less than 12 percent of the survivors filing complaints with the police and seeking help from other institutions.

Kyrgyzstan, which became the first Central Asian country to criminalize domestic violence in 2017, continues to record high numbers of domestic violence cases. In 2022, there were 9,959 reported cases of domestic violence, and 92 percent of the survivors were women. In 2023, this number increased to 13,104 cases with 95 percent of the survivors being women. Additionally, Kyrgyzstan ranks as the most unsafe Central Asian country in the Global Women, Peace, and Security Index.

Here is a documentary on domestic violence in Kyrgyzstan.

Patriarchy and ineffective state institutions

The widespread nature of the problem translates into an endless cycle of outrageous stories of assaults and murders of women in the region. For example, before the murder of Nukenova in November 2023, which is being widely discussed now, people in the region closely followed the case of Asel Nogoibaeva from Kyrgyzstan, whose former husband assaulted her and cut off her nose and ears in September 2023.

The most glaring reason for this disturbing trend has been the absence of an effective legal framework, leading to impunity. In 2017, when domestic violence was decriminalized in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan became the only country in the region where it was criminalized. The authorities in Kazakhstan reversed their 2017 decision this month due to the demands of the public, and Uzbekistan criminalized domestic violence only in April 2023. Tajikistan and Turkmenistan are yet to criminalize it, and perpetrators in these countries can get away with restraining orders and paying fines.

Two overarching problems tower over the issue of domestic violence. The first one is patriarchal norms, which justify domestic violence and lead to its acceptance both by perpetrators and survivors. From a young age, boys are brought up to be aggressive and girls are raised to be submissive and obedient and take on the role of a wife who agrees to the terms of the aggressor and seeks to resolve the conflict within the family.

Survey results from Turkmenistan show that almost 20 percent of women respondents believe that is justified for husbands to beat their wives if they leave the home without their husband’s permission. In Tajikistan, almost 48 percent of women respondents agreed that domestic violence is a private matter for each family, and 41 percent stated that beating a partner for various reasons was justified. These patriarchal norms are complemented by the government-promoted traditional values that emphasize family integrity at the expense of the rights and protection of women.

The second problem is the authorities’ reluctance to adopt robust measures and the indifference of relevant state bodies to preventing domestic violence. Human rights researcher Svetlana Dzardanova notes that governments in the region attack people who raise the issue of domestic violence instead of addressing the problem. The authorities perceive local organizations that promote discussions on domestic violence as outsiders trying to advance foreign norms contradictory to traditional values.

On the grassroots level, instead of registering complaints from survivors and launching investigations, police often try to reconcile them with aggressors. Judges pass lenient verdicts in cases involving domestic violence, allowing perpetrators to avoid jail time. For example, in the case of Nogoibaeva, the judge assigned probationary supervision to her former husband, who assaulted her after being released from prison, where he was serving a sentence for raping his former wife twice.

The fight against domestic violence in Central Asia is moving at a slow pace. At this point in time, it still requires landmark cases, such as the publicly televised trial of Kuandyk Bishimbayev, to advance further and claim small victories.

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