Originally published on Global Voices

Screenshot from the documentary “The Char-Chapori: Documentary of Miya Community in Assam” on YouTube by Inspire Northeast. Fair use.

In July 2024, around 1,500 families were evicted from the Morigaon district of Northeast India's Assam state for settling illegally on forest and railway land. Most of these homes belonged to Bengali-speaking Muslims, commonly referred to as Miya. While such evictions are not isolated to Assam, the incident sparked allegations of government bias, with accusations that the government is specifically targeting Bengali Muslims and leveraging tensions in the region to drive them away.

Who are the Miya people?

Map of Brahmaputra river basin and its tributaries in Assam. Image by user Planemad via Wikipedia. CC BY-SA-3.0

The term “Miya” has its etymological root in the term “Mian” — a word derived from the Parsi community, which refers to an honourable person in the Indian subcontinent. The Miya people migrated to Assam from different parts of India and present-day Bangladesh in the early 20th century during British colonial rule, settling primarily in the riverbeds of the Brahmaputra River in Assam. The area is also known as Char Chapori. 

However, many Indigenous organisations and political groups claim that there has been an influx of Bangladeshi citizens illegally immigrating to Assam, and they often associate the Miya community with this group. Because of this, the term “Miya” is now used in a derogatory way, referring to undocumented Bangladeshis.

Eviction, hate speech and social media threats

Anti-Muslim rhetoric has a long history in Assam, but this sentiment has been further fueled by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led right-wing government and its chief minister Himanta Biswa Sarma. After being sworn in as a chief minister in 2021, Sarma has frequently made headlines for his anti-Muslim remarks.

“First, Miya #Muslims buy land in Hindu villages, then invite others to settle. They start eating beef, causing Hindus to leave & relocate. This is “#LandJihad.” Many #Hindus from #Dhubri, #Barpeta, and #Nalbari in #Assam have left similarly. No other CM has spoken about this… pic.twitter.com/SY0KpAeoio

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) August 25, 2024

The Quint, an independent digital news platform in India, recorded Sarma spreading hate speech targeting Bengali-speaking Muslims 18 times in a single year. This hate speech often invoked the Muslim term “Jihad” in connection with various issues involving the community.

In August 2024, Sarma accused the University of Science and Technology, Meghalaya, a Muslim-run institution, of engaging in “flood jihad,” blaming it for the outbreak of floods in Guwahati. He has also claimed the university has a Mecca-like structure, claiming it is a symbol of “Jihad”. Similarly, Sarma also alleged Bengali Muslim farmers were practicing “land and fertilizer jihad” by using high amounts of fertilizers on their crops.

Aboyob Bhuyan, a podcaster from Assam, turned to X (formerly Twitter) to mock the bigoted claims:

‘FLOOD Jihad’ just because the owner of USTM is a Muslim?

In 2021, Assam CM just after assuming his charge, inaugurated a block at the USTM.

In 2022, President of India visited USTM.

In 2024, Assam CM blames USTM for triggering floods in Jorabat.

Just because of the religion? pic.twitter.com/jXgNxLzD6L

— aboyob bhuyan (@aboyobbhuyan) August 10, 2024

The Miya debate reignited in August this year after a 14-year minor Hindu girl was gang-raped by a group of Bengali Muslim boys in Dhing, Nagaon district. The news spread like wildfire on social media, fueling anti-muslim propaganda and hate speech. Assam chief minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, along with other ministers, framed this incident as an attack on Indigenous Assamese people. On August 23, police arrested a Muslim man, Tofazzal Islam (24), for the crime. However, before he could undergo due process, his dead body was found in a pond in the early hours of August 24. The police claimed the accused tried to escape while being taken to the crime scene and accidentally drowned in the pond. However, locals alleged it was a case of extrajudicial killing, as the pond was reportedly not deep enough for someone to drown.

The incident triggered widespread unrest across Assam, leading to communal tensions and threats against Bengali-speaking Muslims. In Upper Assam, where the population is primarily composed of Indigenous Assamese people, there has been a mass exodus of Bengali-speaking Muslims. The many Indigenous groups and right-wing political parties, including the BJP, have used the rape case to target Bengali-speaking Muslims in upper Assam.

In Assam, a large number of Bengali-Muslim labourers work as daily wage earners in various sectors. In the Sivsagar district, around 30 Indigenous organisations (Assamese nationalists) have issued a seven-day ultimatum for Bengali Muslims to leave Upper Assam. According to social media posts, these organizations and groups are seeking out Bengali Muslim laborers and warning them to leave the area.

The Assam Chief Minister has also issued a warning to Bengali Muslims instead of offering them protection. Sarma went so far as to state that the Bengali Muslim labourers shouldn’t go to Upper Assam without the consent of the local Assamese population, further revealing his bias by siding openly with the Indigenous groups.

Himanta Biswa Sarma posted on X:

My request to the Miya-Muslim community is not to forcefully try to settle in indigenous Assamese areas against their will; this will aggravate societal fault lines and be a possible security issue.#AssamLegislativeAssembly pic.twitter.com/LIMeh6V1Pg

— Himanta Biswa Sarma (@himantabiswa) August 27, 2024

The outrage has escalated into physical attacks, with a group of Miya labourers being assaulted. In the Charaideo district of Upper Assam, a local BJP leader has forced several Miya labourers working under him to leave. Despite owing them INR 1.5 million rupees (USD 17,873), the leader, who is also a contractor, did not pay them a single penny.

Similarly, in Nagaon, the Veer Lachit Sena, a controversial ultra-nationalist Assamese organisation, has prevented Bengali-Muslim fishermen from selling fish in the market. The group was engaged in spreading hate speech and issuing threats against Bengali Muslims in upper Assam.

On September 9, an eviction drive turned violent, leading to clashes between police and local residents, in Kosutoli village, Kamrup district, where the population is predominantly Bengali-origin Muslims. The government accused the residents of illegally occupying land in a tribal block and belt reserved exclusively for tribal communities. Around 151 families were evicted, and many structures were demolished. The violence resulted in two deaths during the confrontation between police and protesters.

Similar eviction drives were conducted in the reserve forest of Goalpara district, displacing around 450 families.

As Assam prepares for its next state general election in 2026, the right-wing government led by Himanta Biswa Sarma has intensified its targeting of Bengali Muslims. Given that religious polarization has been a common tactic of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in previous elections, it is expected to escalate further in the coming days.

Written by GV South Asia

Originally published on Global Voices

Primary school students attending an outdoor lecture at Government Primary School Jumber, Azad Kashmir, Pakistan. Image by Abdul Moueed via Wikimedia Commons. CC BY-SA 4.0.

From May 8–14, 2024, Pakistan-administered Azad Kashmir witnessed significant unrest, with daily life profoundly impacted by the violent suppression of protests by Pakistani security forces. On May 12, a mobile internet service shutdown was imposed in Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK) in response to a protest organized by the Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee (JAAC), a coalition of civil rights groups, demonstrating against rising electricity prices, flour subsidies, and other issues. One police officer and three protesters were killed during clashes with the paramilitary rangers while hundreds were injured.

During the 2024 general elections in Pakistan, a mobile services ban and internet shutdown was enforced, and the subsequent ban on X (formerly known as Twitter) and VPNs persisted for an indefinite period.

As the protests intensified in May, access to the internet was restricted. People began tweeting against the shutdown in various areas on Platform X, condemning the government for silencing their voices. Azhar Ahmed, a Kashmiri, tweeted about announcements being made through the pulpits of mosques:

After the shutdown of mobile networks and the internet, announcements are being made using Mosque loudspeakers to facilitate communication.
#RightsMovementAJK pic.twitter.com/Z1cXfQZgMm

— Azhar Ahmed (@ahm3d711) May 12, 2024

The Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) UK Chapter tweeted about the internet being shut down for several days:

Internet remains suspended in Pak-held Jammu Kashmir. It is the main method for millions of overseas Kashmiris to contact their loved ones at home.

Despite this week's events, the AJK & Islamabad administrations continue to use repressive tactics. Shameful.#RightsMovementAJK pic.twitter.com/Qjb2fD41w1

— JKLF UK MEDIA CELL (@JklfUk) May 15, 2024

NetBlocks, an internet observatory, confirmed the internet disruption:

Update: Network data show that the internet disruption in Azad Kashmir, #Pakistan, is ongoing as authorities crack down on protests amid reports of rising casualties; service was briefly restored during negotiations on Monday but shut down again after deadly clashes pic.twitter.com/Y7yduOAiiE

— NetBlocks (@netblocks) May 14, 2024

After five days, the internet was restored once the protests were called off.

In light of the protests and violence in AJK, Ahmed Farhad Shah, a poet and journalist from AJK residing in Islamabad, was highly critical of the government and military on social media. He mysteriously disappeared from his house, allegedly taken by Pakistan intelligence agencies. His wife has reached out to the Islamabad High Court to secure his safe return. On May 20, the court ordered the Secretary of the Ministry of Defence to explain the allegations.

What happened in AJK

Kashmir, a Himalayan region claimed in full by both Pakistan and India, has been the battleground for multiple wars between the countries since their independence from British colonial rule in 1947. Pakistan-administered Kashmir, locally known as Azad Jammu Kashmir (AJK), has a population of over 4.36 million and a semiautonomous government led by its own prime minister.

Disputed Himalayan region with territorial claims by Pakistan, India and China. Image by PlaneMad via Wikimedia Commons. CC BY-SA 3.0.

People in AJK have been protesting since May 2023 against a massive wheat crisis, increased prices of flour, rising electricity rates and the end of “luxuries” for the elite class, among other issues. In February 2024, the Pakistan government accepted accepted nine out of ten demands, but despite assurances, they were not fulfilled, leading to the recent protests.

JAAC had announced plans to hold protests and march towards Muzaffarabad, the capital of AJK, from different parts of the state, but the government initiated a crackdown and arrested 70 activists. Clashes soon broke out between the police and the public, resulting in the death of one police officer and many injuries.

Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif took notice of the situation and approved an immediate provision of PKR 23 billion (USD 82.5 million), but this did not pacify the protesters. While the rangers were preparing to leave AJK after the announcement, a charged crowd pelted stones and set their vehicles ablaze, leading to another round of clashes. Three people were killed, and six were injured due to the rangers’ retaliation.

AJK Prime Minister Chaudhry Anwarul Haq termed the subsidy package a “gift” from the government and alleged that neighbor India, Pakistan's arch-rival, tried to create chaos in AJK but did not succeed. The senior leadership of JAAC is still keeping all options open until they are convinced that their demands have been met.

In 2019, India raised taxes on AJK exports to 200 percent, and after the Indian cancellation of Article 370 of the Indian Constitution, which provided special autonomy to Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir, all trade was suspended by Pakistan, severely impacting the local economy.

Protests across Pakistan

AJK is not the only area in Pakistan witnessing such protests related to the economy. People in Gilgit-Baltistan (GB) have been protesting since January 2024 against the decision to increase the subsidized wheat price and other grievances.

Jamil Nagri, a journalist, tweeted that the state should learn from history:

Massive protest in Gilgit-Baltistan goes unnoticed. If the demands are genuine, then authorities should not be reluctant to respond to them, the denial of rights always caused big challenges, learn from history! pic.twitter.com/D0rJJ56T0S

— Jamil Nagri (@jamilnagri) January 27, 2024

Recently, a few people from GB were protesting outside the National Press Club in the capital Islamabad against the government leasing out rest houses and guest houses to Green Tourism Company.

Strongly condemned the recent arrest of GB activists by Islamabad police at National Press Club who were peacefully protesting against the leasing of rest houses and guest houses by the GB government to Green Tourism Company Pvt Ltd.#SaveGilgitBaltistan

— Kamran Wazir (@Kamran_wazeer) May 19, 2024

There is not much media coverage of these events; people are using social media platforms to raise their voices against the injustices carried out by the state.

Pakistan is facing ongoing economic crisis since 2022 and has sought renewed assistance from the International Monetary Fund amidst rising inflation.

Written by GV South Asia

Originally published on Global Voices

Tagged as D-voters, they are deemed ‘aliens’ in their own land. Screenshot from a 2019 YouTube video report by East Mojo. Fair Use.

The third phase of India's ongoing general elections has concluded in Assam as the final phase of voting done on May 7, 2024. The second and third phases of the Lok Sabha election have covered areas with a large number of Bengali-speaking people, including Hindus and Muslims. Alongside other issues, the struggles of “D voters”, detention camps, and their sense of belonging have emerged as core factors influencing voters in these areas.

Who are D-Voters?

In Assam, D Voters are voters who lack proper documents to prove their Indian citizenship — often Bengali-speaking Hindus and Muslims. These individuals are disenfranchised and barred from voting in the election.

In 1997, the Election Commission of India ordered the Government of Assam to remove non-citizens from the electoral list, thus initiating the classification of D voters. More than 370,000 people were accused of being D voters, and nearly 200,000 were sent to tribunals for foreigners.

The accused must prove their citizenship through a cumbersome and lengthy verification process at the foreigner tribunals, which are quasi-judicial bodies in Assam that specifically deal with cases related to proving one’s citizenship. As of 2024, there are 100 foreigner tribunals in Assam, an increase since the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) came to power in the state.

Individuals who fail to prove their citizenship in these tribunals are sent to detention camps. These camps are special centres in Assam where declared foreigners are held. The state also has India's largest detention camp, completed in 2023.

Location of Assam. Image via Wikipedia by Porikolpok Oxom. Public domain.

Marginalization and dignity?

Assam has a long history of conflicts over the status of bona fide citizens. In 1979, the All Assam Student Union and other ultra-nationalist organizations initiated the Assam movement to identify and deport illegal migrants from neighbouring Bangladesh living in the state. The movement concluded in 1985 with an accord that promised to update the National Register of Citizens in Assam minus the D voters. The process of identifying foreigners through the National Register of Citizens (NRC), a register of all legal citizens of India, came to an end on August 31, 2019, rendering nearly 1.9 million people who had never been added to the NRC stateless. These people might lose their citizenship or face expulsion, exile or detention camps. The exclusion of NRC also barres them from obtaining an Aadhaar card, which is a mandatory government biometric ID to avail many government facilities.

In addition to the NRC, the citizenship crisis has another dimension — the issue of “D Voters,” which is often overlooked. Individuals who receive D-voter notices are forced to engage in a protracted and arbitrary battle with the judiciary, with most cases dragging on for years, leaving the accused to live in uncertainty.

The foreigners’ tribunals, established to decide citizenship, often operate in biased and arbitrary ways, frequently targeting the state’s linguistic and religious minorities. D-voter cases are supposed to be investigated by the border police department of Assam and then referred to the foreigner tribunals. However, in most cases, this process does not occur, and people are directly served notices by the foreigners tribunals.

D voters are often impoverished and make a living as daily wage workers or farmers. Laden with poverty, the additional financial burden of fighting a case in court further marginalizes them.

In 2023, BBC India released a documentary (in Hindi) illustrating how genuine Indian citizens are harassed due to mere suspicions. The story features Shanti Debnath and Asmat Ali, both accused of being foreigners and asked to prove their nationality.

Shanti Debnath, a small shopkeeper and a disabled person, was served a foreigner notice in 2019. For almost three years, he had to live with the burden of doubtful citizenship until he could prove his citizenship in 2022. Similarly, Asmat Ali, a poor farmer, was served a foreigner notice in 2013. Ali, who resides in a low-lying area on the bank of the Brahmaputra in the Barpeta district, had to travel to the distant city of Guwahati to prove his citizenship. Ali was declared an Indian citizen in 2022, nine years after the accusation.

Asmat Ali remarked, “I was shattered, I cried a lot. I went from home to earn money for my family and children, but I was accused of being a Bangladeshi. I wanted to die at that time. Even after having all the documents of my father, if I am a Bangladeshi, then it is better to die.”

In 2021, a woman named Tahamina Khatun couldn’t vote in the state assembly election because she was marked as a D voter in the electoral roll. However, her son, Faruk Khan, contested the election as an independent candidate from the Jania constituency in the Barpeta district. In India, only genuine Indian citizens with all the necessary documents can contest an election.

In 2019, Amnesty International raised questions about the foreigner tribunals and questioned the accountability of the process. It alleged these tribunals were biased and arbitrary in most cases.

Non-profit Citizens for Justice and Peace posted on X:

One poignant story from the ongoing #CitizenshipCrisis in #Assam is that of Ashraful Sk from Jhaskal village. In 2007, disaster struck when he found a dreaded “D” next to his name on the voter list https://t.co/zQbs2eaqLy #NRC #AssamNRC #CJPForAssam

— Citizens for Justice and Peace (@cjpindia) October 26, 2023

The struggle of a D-voter doesn’t end in the foreigner tribunals; if they fail to prove citizenship, the accused are sent to detention centres, similar to jails but specifically built for foreigners unlawfully staying in India. There are a number of instances where Indian citizens were wrongfully sent to these detention centres.

One example of this is Chandrakanta Das, an elderly man who spent three months in a detention center while awaiting his tribunal case. He raised questions over why was detained even when he had documents proving he was an Indian citizen. He was later released on bail. Many detainees like Das have complained about the unhealthy conditions in these centres.

Deaths in the detention camps are another major cause of concern — although the administration claims that the deaths are only due to poor health, the detainees inevitably lack access to adequate medical care. Nazrul Islam, who was just 45 days old, died in a detention camp as her mother was in a detention camp in the Kokrajhar district. Nazrul was the youngest among those who have succumbed to the harsh conditions of these camps. Similarly, Basudev Biswas, 58, died in a detention camp in Nagaon. However, when the police tried to hand over the body to the family, protests erupted in their village. The family argued that Basudev was a legitimate Indian citizen.

Election campaign promises

During an election rally in Hojai, Assam, in April 2024, Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma stated that the state government would resolve the issue of D-voters among Bengali Hindus within six months after the election.

Similarly, in Dhubri, Western Assam, the All India United Democratic Front supremo, Badaruddin Ajmal, alleged that the Indian National Congress has targeted Muslims by designating them as D voters. He claimed that the Indian National Congress-led government had granted land for India’s largest detention centres and ignored the issue, forcing them to live with the label of a D-voter.

Written by GV South Asia

Originally published on Global Voices

Photo by Dibakar Roy from Pexels. Used under a Pexels license.

India is poised for its upcoming general elections, which will take place for over a month starting from April 19, 2024. As the election dates draw near, political parties are bolstering their efforts to reach out to voters through various means. However, this time, parties are not solely relying on traditional methods like mass rallies and door-to-door campaigns. Many parties are leveraging the power of the internet and social media to maximize their outreach and engagement in the election process.

In July 2018, Shivam Sankar Singh, a tech enthusiast, presented a paper titled “Weaponizing Data for Politics” at a data conference in Bengaluru. During the presentation, Singh disclosed his involvement in a prominent campaign team for the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), where he used constituency profiles and micro-level data to obtain actionable insights to gain an edge in the elections.

Fast forward six years, and India finds itself on the fast track to digitalization. With over 800 million internet users and the world's largest presence on Instagram, Facebook, and WhatsApp, it has become imperative for political parties to woo social media influencers to echo their messages to a wider audience. As elections draw nearer, parties have mobilized thousands of influencers, even gamers, with the objective of appealing to a young, heavily online population. Influencers play a crucial role due to their extensive reach, accessibility, and ability to connect with diverse demographics, particularly young people.

Influencers and digital campaigns

While all parties are intensifying their digital campaigns for the upcoming election, the ruling BJP seems to be leading the charge. With its robust active IT cell dedicated to digital campaigns, coupled with the inclusion of influencers, the party is gaining a significant advantage in the digital sphere.

In March 2024, just a month prior to the Lok Sabha polls, the BJP-led government of India introduced the inaugural National Creators Award, recognizing achievements in 20 diverse categories. Many prominent YouTubers and social media influencers were among the awardees. However, the awards faced widespread criticism as most recipients had a history of promoting the BJP's agendas and endorsing the government.

Journalist Akshit Chawla posted on X (formerly Twitter):

How National Creators Award Winners Amplified BJP's Message

Our analysis found that over 60% of the winners had posted content related to: Hinduism, meeting BJP leaders or endorsing the ruling party's policies or ideology.

Here's my analysis for @boomlive_in @adrijabose pic.twitter.com/VjnWQwabcg

— Akshit Chawla (@NewsWithAkshit) March 27, 2024

Chandni Bhagat, an 18-year-old with over 200,000 Instagram followers who has been producing devotional videos for the past three years, has recently begun incorporating political themes into her daily religion-focused Instagram reels. In her reels, she is often seen alongside alongside Shivraj Singh Chouhan, the former chief minister of the state of Madhya Pradesh. Veteran politician and former National Vice President of the BJP, Chouhan was instrumental in the BJP's strong performance in the state.

As part of the digital campaign, Bhagat recently shared a reel on Instagram urging people to celebrate the Hindu New Year instead of the Gregorian New Year.

“नई इयर्स पर रातभर मैं पार्टी करने वाला नहीं हिन्दू नववर्ष पर मंदिर जाने वाला चाहिए”

We don't want a person who party till midnight on the new year but one who goes to temple on Hindu New Year

Maithili Thakur is a renowned Indian folk singer known for her devotional melodies. She has 14 million followers on Facebook and over 4.5 million each on Instagram and YouTube. She saw her popularity soar to new heights when India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi shared her devotional song on X during the inauguration of a controversial Hindu temple in Ayodhya. Thakur was among the 24 influencers honored this March with the National Creators Award, celebrating “Storytellers of a Confident, Assertive New India”, and shared the event on her YouTube channel.

However, the BJP's political outreach extends beyond influencers, as the prime minister recently held a meeting with some of the country’s top online gamers. According to the “State of India Gaming Report” published by Google and Lumikai in 2023, the nation boasts 568 million gamers, with 50 percent falling within the 18 to 30 age bracket. This demographic presents a lucrative opportunity for engaging with the country’s youth.

These online gamers are followed by millions of followers on platforms like Instagram and YouTube, often surpassing even other celebrities, like prominent sports figures, in terms of follower count.

For example, Naman Mathur, known in the gaming world as “Mortal,” boasts 5.3 million followers on Instagram in addition to his 7 million subscribers on YouTube, surpassing the follower count of popular Indian cricketer Ravichandran Ashwin (4.7 million Instagram followers) and Olympic medalist P V Sindhu (3.7 million Instagram followers).

Watch: PM Modi meets Virtual Gaming Influencer ‘Mortal aka Naman Mathur”

(Video Credits: Naman Mathur -Instagram) pic.twitter.com/5rx3od1J6Z

— IANS (@ians_india) April 10, 2024

Although the meeting was labeled a forum to explore growth opportunities within the gaming industry, it is evident that it serves as nothing more than an election outreach strategy.

Payal Dhare, who participated in the meeting with PM Modi, shared a series of Instagram posts detailing the interaction.

Watch: PM Modi meets Virtual Gaming Influencer ‘Payal Dhare aka Payal Gaming’

(Video Credits: Payal Dhare IG) pic.twitter.com/i7x36VGPqe

— IANS (@ians_india) April 10, 2024

Memes, cartoons and popular culture

However, these digital campaigns extend beyond influencers, with many political parties maintaining dedicated IT teams to disseminate their agendas across various platforms. Cartoons, memes, and trolls are among the key tools used to engage a new generation of politically aware voters.

Recently, the All India Trinamool Congress posted a video on X depicting Modi as an autocratic leader.

PM @narendramodi‘s Family WhatsApp Group is unlike any other groups you've ever been a part of!

Check what happens pic.twitter.com/CkPZrY0sF7

— All India Trinamool Congress (@AITCofficial) April 11, 2024

Likewise, a video was shared on Facebook by Assam's cabinet minister and prominent BJP figure, Pijush Hazarika, mocking rival Congress leader and election candidate for Jorhat city's Lok Sabha (the lower house of India's Parliament), Gaurav Gogoi, calling him a migratory bird during the election, having recently shifted from his previous constituency. The Facebook post also includes elements of Islamophobia, portraying Gaurav Gogoi participating in iftar and namaz among Muslim men, insinuating that he is solely a leader for Muslims.

A YouTube channel titled “India Wants Kejriwal,” a fan channel dedicated to Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal, uploaded a video on the platform. The video alleges that Modi and other leaders of the party have been implicated in bank scams and the illicit sale of public properties to criminals.

With the poll dates approaching, all parties are only intensifying their digital campaigns. In a digitally connected India that is more active online than ever before, the role of the internet, access to information, technology, and fact-checking will be pivotal in shaping the electoral landscape.

Written by GV South Asia

Originally published on Global Voices

The Citizenship Amendment Act (Bill) protests, also known as CAA Protests, occurred after the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) was enacted by the Government of India on December 12, 2019. Image via Wikipedia by Dr Vikramjit Kakati. (CC BY-SA 4.0 DEED4.0).

On March 11, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led Indian government implemented the highly controversial Citizenship Amendment Act, 2019. The act (law) seeks to grant citizenship based on religious grounds; however, it is being criticised for having an anti-Muslim bias.

The right-wing BJP government of Narendra Modi implemented the law just a few weeks before India's upcoming general election, which is why it has become crucial in the country's politically charged atmosphere. Many political analysts and opposition leaders claim that this has been intentionally done to polarize voters on the basis of religion so the BJP can get an advantage in the election.

What is the CAA?

The current Citizenship Amendment Act, 2019 (CAA) is an amendment to the 1955 Citizenship Act of India. It was introduced in the parliament in 2016 and passed in December 2019.

According to the previous act, a foreign national seeking Indian citizenship through naturalization must spend 11 years in the country to become eligible. However, this new law is changing this aspect.

The CAA now grants citizenship to six religious communities, including Hindus, Parsis, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains, and Christians, who escaped to India because of religious persecution in Muslim-majority Pakistan, Afghanistan and Bangladesh before December 13, 2014. It also aims to grant citizenship to applicants from these faiths who have been living in India illegally or with long-term visas for a period of five years. A local priest (pujari in Hindi) can also issue an eligibility certificate to validate the religion of an applicant seeking citizenship through the CAA. This certificate is among the documents that must be submitted by applicants seeking citizenship.

Why it is criticised as an anti-Muslim law

Until the CAA, India did not have any rules regarding religion as a factor in obtaining citizenship. Those who were legally residing in India for at least 11 years could apply for citizenship through naturalization, irrespective of religion.

However, the CAA changes that structure, bringing religion into India’s citizenship law as a requirement for the first time ever. This also restricts migrants from other religions, especially Muslims, from obtaining Indian citizenship, and they would require proper documents and reasons to justify their presence in India.

The law notably violates Article 14 of the Indian constitution, which ensures equality for everyone and equal protection before the law within the Indian territory.

In December 2019, after the act was passed in parliament, the country witnessed massive protests against this discriminatory law. The protests have drawn participation from all stakeholders of society, including students and women.

On March 11, human rights watchdog Amnesty India, posted on X (formerly Twitter) about the “discriminatory” nature of the CAA:

The Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) is a discriminatory law that goes against the constitutional values of equality and international human rights law. The notification of the rules issued by the Ministry of Home Affairs will make this divisive law operational from today. #CAA

— Amnesty India (@AIIndia) March 11, 2024

How is CAA linked with National Register of Citizens?

The National Register of Citizens (NRC) stores information about all legal Indian citizens to identify illegal immigrants.

The demand for a correct and updated NRC first started in the northeastern Indian state of Assam. In the 1980s, several Indigenous Assamese organizations, led by the All Assam Students Union (AASU), initiated the “Assam Movement,” claiming the presence of many illegal Bangladeshis in the state. The movement concluded with the signing of the “Assam Accord” between AASU and the government of India, stipulating the implementation of a fully updated NRC in Assam.

In 2016, the BJP formed the government in Assam for the first time. The BJP-led state government promptly began the process of updating the NRC, requiring all citizens to prove their nationality. Residents had to be able to prove they came to the state by March 24, 1971, two days before neighbouring Bangladesh declared independence from Pakistan. On August 31, 2019, the final draft of the NRC was published, resulting in nearly 1.9 million people being rendered stateless.

After the CAA was passed in parliament, the majority of critics became apprehensive that the BJP-led government would also try to combine the NRC with the CAA. Many top BJP politicians, including Assam's chief minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, have even demanded that the NRC be implemented nationwide and that the government should identify illegal citizens and deport them.

However, the NRC in Assam was full of anomalies, as a large number of legitimate Indian citizens were left out of the final draft, causing a drastic citizenship crisis. Even though India’s prime minister denied that an NRC process would follow the CAA, in the 2023 Karnataka state assembly election, the party included an updated NRC as a promise in its election manifesto in the state, making it a top agenda for the BJP February 2020, resulting in 53 deaths, most of whom were Muslims. Also, many anti-CAA protesters were arrested under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA), a stringent law.

What’s next for the CAA?

Sporadic protests erupted nationwide after the government implemented this controversial law in March 2024. In Tamil Nadu, the southernmost state of India, the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam-led government vowed not to implement the CAA. The Communist Party of India (Marxist), the ruling party of the south Indian state of Kerala, also protested against the CAA on March 12, 2024.

Protests are much more intense in the northeastern Indian states, especially in Assam, which shares a boundary with Bangladesh. Many social organizations protested and held rallies, vowing not to accept the CAA in the state. The All Assam Students Union held a candlelight march in Guwahati and labeled the act as Anti-India and Anti-Northeast. It is worth mentioning that Assam had witnessed violent anti-CAA protests in 2019. To prevent similar widespread protests this time, the Assam police warned of taking legal action and recovering the cost of any damage to public properties from the protestors. The director general of police, Assam, G. P. Singh, posted many times on X and also sent letters to opposition parties as a warning not to carry out protests.

Ripun Bora, the president of Assam state's Trinamool Congress, took to X and protested against Assam Police’s efforts to curb the democratic protest:

Dear @gpsinghips ,protest is our democratic right. We won't bow down to the dictatorship of the BJP Government.

By sending such notice/warning letter it is an attempt to curtail our democratic rights.

We will stand with the people of Assam, whatever the consequences.#CAA pic.twitter.com/fkWJhqMyI5

— Ripun Bora (@ripunbora) March 12, 2024

Apart from the street protests, civil organizations and individuals have also filed petitions against the discriminatory CAA in the Supreme Court of India. As of now, there are over 200 petitions in the Supreme Court of India challenging the unconstitutional nature of the act. However, even after the petitions and public protests, the law has come into effect.

Written by GV South Asia

Originally published on Global Voices

The Supreme Court of Pakistan. Image via Wikipedia by Uroojmirza71. CC BY-SA-4.0

Once again, blasphemy accusations made headlines in Pakistan. This time, Chief Justice of Pakistan (CJP) Qazi Faez Isa of the Supreme Court (SC) came under fire on social media after he ordered the immediate release of a man from the Ahmadiyya sect being detained as part of a blasphemy case.

Blasphemy is a highly sensitive issue in the 97 percent Muslim-majority South Asian nation, where it is punishable by death according to Pakistani laws.

The Ahmadiyya community follow the teachings of Mirzā Ghulām Ahmad, their founder, who they consider the last Messiah. This contradicts a core tenant of Islam as followed by the majority Sunni Muslims who believe that “the Prophet Mohammad was God’s last direct messenger.” Since 1973, the Pakistani government declared the Ahmadiyya minority (0.22 percent of the total population) “non-muslim” by an amendment in the 1973 constitution of Pakistan.

Not an offence

On December 6, 2022, a report was registered against an Ahmadiyya man at the Chenab Nagar police station in the Chiniot district of Punjab, Pakistan. He was imprisoned for disseminating a proscribed book, which, according to law, was an offence under the Punjab Holy Quran (Printing and Recording) (Amendment) Act of 2021. According to the report, the accused had violated the law in 2019 when the distribution of the book was not an offence. The man was arrested in January 2023 and released on February 6, 2024.

The order by the Supreme Court also affirms that everyone is free to practice their belief as per the Quran; this attracted significant backlash from extremist elements, including followers of Pakistan Tehreek e Insaf, Pakistan's current opposition party. An organized smear campaign was launched against CJP on X (formerly known as Twitter).

Waves of hatred

In his video, Maulana Fazl-ur-Rehman, a religious political figure, stated:

چیف جسٹس قاضی فائز عیسیٰ کا قادیانیوں کو اپنے مذہب کی تبلیغ کے لئے اجازت دینے کا فیصلہ شریعت ،آئین اور قانون کے خلاف ہے،جس کو ہم علی الاعلان مسترد کرتے ہیں، ایسا لگتا ہے کہ یہ فیصلہ مغرب کی خواہشات پر کیا گیا ہے،فیصلے میں پیش کئے گئے قرآن کریم کے حوالے غلط اور بددیانتی پر مبنی… pic.twitter.com/7d9o4hq4g2

— Maulana Fazl-ur-Rehman (@MoulanaOfficial) February 21, 2024

Chief Justice Qazi Faiz Isa's decision to allow Qadianis (Ahmadiyyas) to propagate their religion is against Sharia, the Constitution, and the law, which we publicly reject. Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam has decided to file an appeal against this decision after consulting layers.

In this video shared by user Ibraheem, a man is seen openly condemning the CJP's decision and threatening to kill any person belonging to the Ahmadi belief.

this TLP TERRORIST is openly threatening to kill any AHMADI he sees in his area (District Mansehra).

authorities should take action before these TERRORISTS causes more harm to AHMADI citizens of Pakistan pic.twitter.com/dzQ88MEeFe

— I b r a h e e m  (@Ibraheeeeem92) February 26, 2024

There were other people who condemned the smear campaign against the CJP.

The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan asked the government of Pakistan to restrain the hate campaign against the CJP:

HRCP is deeply concerned by the ongoing campaign on social media that has targeted Chief Justice Qazi Faez Isa for a judgment that – contrary to what his detractors have alleged – protects the constitutional right of all religious minorities to freedom of religion or belief. The…

— Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (@HRCP87) February 22, 2024

Lawyer and feminist Nighat Dad said:

Allegations of blasphemy against Justice Qazi Faez Isa are abhorrent and reprehensible. This is part of a larger disinformation campaign that must be condemned unequivocally.

— Nighat Dad (@nighatdad) February 21, 2024

The hate for the Ahmadiyya community is not new, but this is the first time a judge of the top court has been made a target. To settle the matter, the Supreme Court condemned the smear campaign and issued a clarification statement notifying people that if they disagree with the decision, they can challenge it via legal avenues. The caretaker government of Punjab challenged the decision in SC.

Lahore blasphemy incident:

As discussions on the issue continued across the country, another case of blasphemy accusation unfolded in Lahore, the capital of Punjab. In the Ichra clothes market in Lahore, an angry mob was ready to lynch a woman because she wore a dress with Arabic letters on it. The mob alleged that the dress contained Quranic verses (Islamic holy scripture). Assistant Superintendent of Police Shehr Bano Naqvi intervened and placed the woman under protective custody.

This video shows how the woman was harassed and was hiding inside a shop belonging to a minority community.

A Pakistani police officer is being hailed as a hero for negotiating the safe escort of a woman accused of blasphemy by a mob in Lahore. The woman was wearing a dress with Arabic calligraphy that the crowd mistook for verses from the Quran pic.twitter.com/3uFgUXuGCg

— Al Jazeera English (@AJEnglish) February 26, 2024

The Punjab police tweeted about the incident, highlighting that Naqvi risked her life to rescue the woman who was surrounded by the angry mob. They also requested that the Pakistani government honour the Assistant Superintendent with an award.

Subsequently, in an attempt to resolve the issue, the accused woman recorded an apology for wearing the dress. However, despite the accolades Naqvi received for rescuing the woman, she also faced severe criticism for facilitating the recording of the apology. Furthermore, female officers from the Punjab police organized an awareness walk to prevent similar incidents from occurring in the future. Additionally, a report was also registered against those who harassed the woman to ensure that such occurrences are not repeated.

Calligraphy art on clothes:

Arabic letters are widely used globally, especially in the Middle East and Asia, where it is utilized for writing holy scriptures. In addition to letters, art, and scripture, this font has also been adopted for writing words or messages on clothing. The dress worn by the lady was from a brand called Semplicitakw in Kuwait. However, following the incident, the brand was inundated with hate messages from Pakistan. In response, they released a statement and defended their product, saying, “We use arabic words and letters in different fonts everywhere since its our language!”

A renowned Pakistani brand, Manto, recognized for incorporating poetry and phrases in calligraphic font onto clothing, also issued a post urging their customers to exercise caution in light of the recent incident:

 

View this post on Instagram

 

A post shared by Manto Store (@wearmanto)

Blasphemy cases in Pakistan:

According to recent findings by the Human Rights Observer of the Centre for Social Justice, there have been at least 329 individuals accused under blasphemy laws, with 180 reported cases. Among the accused, 247 were Muslims, 65 were Ahmadiyyas, 11 were Christians, and one was Hindu, while the religious affiliation of five accused individuals remains unknown.

Following the Chief Justice's directive to release the Ahmadiyya individual, the Sindh High Court halted the conviction of Professor Notan Lal Das due to insufficient evidence. Meanwhile, a Punjab student received a death sentence verdict for sharing blasphemous content on WhatsApp.

Written by GV South Asia

Originally published on Global Voices

A flag displaying the text in Hindi “Bharat Jodo Nyay Yatra” (India Unity and Justice March). Image via Wikipedia. Public Domain.

India's next general election is on the horizon, and, with only a few months remaining, political parties are gearing up for the race to be elected to form the next government. The ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has already unofficially initiated its campaign, leveraging the consecration ceremony of a controversial temple to the Hindu deity Ram in the city of Ayodhya, aiming to gain an advantage in the upcoming election. The primary opposition, the Indian National Congress (INC), has formed an alliance named the Indian National Development Inclusive Alliance, widely known as “INDIA,” to counter the BJP. Moreover, The INC has laid out a campaign roadmap to enhance the party's popularity among the people in preparation for the election.

On December 27, 2023, the INC announced the Bharat Jodo Nyay Yatra (India Unity and Justice March). This socio-economic justice rally is spearheaded by the former president of the INC, Rahul Gandhi, the great-grandson of India's first prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru, whose family has always headed the INC. The march, a sequel to the preceding Bharat Jodo Yatra (Unite India March), is designed to traverse various Indian states, particularly those not covered in the earlier journey. Focusing on the eastern to southern regions of India, the march aims to foster the grassroot-level involvement of people and create political awareness in preparation for the elections in April 2024.

#Politics | ‘Promise to Bring Peace’ Says Rahul Gandhi as He Kicks off Bharat Jodo Nyay Yatra From Manipur

The yatra will cover 6,700 km from Thoubal, Manipur to Mumbai and touch 110 districts.@SravastiDasgup2https://t.co/Uwsacfj9ur

— The Wire (@thewire_in) January 14, 2024

The rally spans 15 Indian states over 66 days, covering more than 6,700 kilometers. Unlike the previous Bharat Jodo Yatra, this tour will combine bus journeys with pedestrian sections. The rally primarily focuses on three nyays (principles of justice) for the people of India: social justice, economic justice, and political justice.

The march is also politically crucial as it covers 355 constituencies of the Lok Sabha (the lower house of parliament) out of a total of 545, accounting for 65 percent of the seats. The BJP won in 236 out of the 355 seats during the 2019 general elections.

Bharat Jodo Nyay Yatra commences in Manipur

The march commenced on January 14 from Thoubal district in the northeast Indian state of Manipur. The state has been racked by inter-community violence since May 2023. Originally scheduled to start from the state's capital, Imphal, the march was denied permission by the BJP-led state government.

During the rally in Manipur, Gandhi passed through many areas that experienced recent violence and appealed for unity and peace. In May 2023, ethnic tensions erupted in Manipur between the predominant Hindu Meitei community and the minority Christian Kuki community. The conflict has resulted in the displacement of up to 60,000 people and hundreds of ongoing fatalities in the state.

Gandhi engaged with numerous human rights activists and other stakeholders in Manipur, listening to their grievances. He also criticized India's prime minister, Narendra Modi, for not visiting the state since the violence began, and accused him of allowing people to suffer instead of pacifying the stakeholders.

Later, he posted a video on YouTube of his engagement with human rights activists of Manipur:

The rally enters Nagaland

On January 15, the march entered the state of Nagaland, covering 257 kilometers in the span of two days. In Nagaland, Gandhi addressed issues related to infrastructure development, focusing on improving living standards and providing essential facilities such as high-quality education, hospitals, and electrification in hill villages.

Gandhi also criticized the BJP-led central government and Prime Minister Narendra Modi for their failure to implement the Naga Peace Accord. The accord constitutes a peace agreement between the Government of India and the National Socialist Council of Nagaland, a militant separatist organization, with the aim of ending the insurgency in the state. Despite the passage of years, the Indian government has yet to fulfill the commitments made to the people of Nagaland as per the accord. The implementation of this agreement holds significance for the people of Nagaland, offering the potential to establish enduring peace in the state after years of insurgency.

Resistance in Assam

On January 18, the rally entered Assam, the state where Gandhi spent the longest duration of his visit, covering a distance of 833 kilometers over 8 days.

In Assam, the march consistently faced obstacles as the BJP-led state government imposed restrictions on several proposed routes. In the state capital Guwahati, the INC aimed to facilitate the rally's entry through the city, but this was denied, citing reasons such as traffic and emergencies at hospitals.

Assam’s chief minister Himanta Biswa Sarma taunted the march by labeling it “miyan yatra.” The term “miyan” is used as a derogatory label targeting Muslims of the state, who are usually classified as Bangladeshi migrants origin living in the state of Assam. The chief minister thus conjectured that the rally would predominantly attract Muslim voters only.

On January 19, the night before the scheduled rally in the Lakhimpur district of Assam, many members of Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha (BJYM), the youth wing of the BJP attacked and tore apart the march's banners and posters. The INC also claimed that members of the BJP had attacked many of their members and their vehicles. The Assam Pradesh Youth Congress (the INC's state youth wing) shared a video on Facebook of the Lakhimpur incident.

Similarly, on January 21, Assam Pradesh Congress President Bhupen Borah was injured in a scuffle with BJP supporters.

Indian academic Ashok Swain posted on X:

Despite all the threats and cases, thousands of people gather to listen Rahul Gandhi in Assam during his #BharatJodoNayayYatra – Despite Ram Temple drama, Modi is still nervous about his reelection! pic.twitter.com/gerCAeOjif

— Ashok Swain (@ashoswai) January 24, 2024

On January 22, Rahul Gandhi was on his way to visit Batradev Temple in the Nagaon district. However, the temple administration denied him entry to the temple before 3 p.m., claiming that ongoing celebrations for the consecration of the Ram Temple in Ayodhya could create chaos between the supporters of both parties.

On January 23, the INC and Rahul Gandhi were on their way to enter Guwahati for the rally, but they were stopped by barricades placed by the Assam Police. A major scuffle happened between the police and INC workers, who destroyed some barricades.

Later that day, the Assam chief minister instructed Assam Police to register a case against Gandhi and threatened to arrest him.

However, the march peacefully concluded after Guwahati, with tremendous support. Gandhi addressed a massive rally in Dhubri, near the India-Bangladesh border in Assam, on January 24. Throughout the journey, Gandhi also claimed that the Assam chief minister is the most corrupt chief minister in India and appealed to the people to bring justice for Assam.

The rally in West Bengal

The rally entered West Bengal on January 25 but was given a break for two days, resuming on January 28. It is now in West Bengal en route to Bihar. The march will spend the highest number of days (11) in the politically crucial state of Uttar Pradesh, where the newly consecrated Ram Temple is located, and will end in Maharashtra.

Written by GV South Asia

Originally published on Global Voices

Muslim Population in Assam based on district maps and census of India 2011. Image by SPQR10 via Wikimedia Commons. CC-BY-SA 4.0.

In December 2022, the government of the northeastern Indian state of Assam requested the Election Commission of India to review the boundaries of its electoral constituencies, as the delimitation process had not been carried out since 1976. Consequently, on June 20, 2023, the commission published a draft proposal to delimitate the Assembly and Parliamentary Constituencies for Assam that provoked a lot of protests from opposition parties. The process will redraw the geographical boundaries of an electoral seat either by merging districts or adding an electoral seat to form a new district. Critics allege that the process may be conducted in a way that could reduce electoral seats in areas predominantly populated by Muslims.

At present, the right-wing nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) holds the majority of seats in the Assam Legislative Assembly. The national opposition parties, primarily the Indian National Congress (INC) and the All-India United Democratic Front (AIUDF) are known for their liberal and secular stance. Additionally, the regional party, The Raijor Dol party, combines a left-leaning ideology with Assamese nationalism, while the Assam Jatiya Parishad strongly advocates for Assamese nationalism. The delimitation will also affect many ruling BJP lawmakers in the state, but the opposition claims that it will bring more loss to the opposition parties.

What is delimitation?

Delimiting constituencies means reshaping them so that each seat has an equal number of voters. This is usually done after a census by an independent delimitation commission formed under the provisions of the Delimitation Commission Act.

The first delimitation process was carried out in 1952 following the census of 1951. Subsequently, four other delimitation exercises happened throughout the country in 1952, 1963, 1973 and 2002. The 2002 delimitation exercise excluded Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur and Nagaland, citing security reasons. On March 6, 2020, the BJP-led central government restructured the commission for these four states and the union territory of Jammu and Kashmir.

Currently, Assam has 126 state assembly constituencies and 14 Lok Sabha (parliamentary) constituencies. The recent process won't change the number of seats for either but proposes a reshaping of some constituencies and increased seats for scheduled castes. The Scheduled castes and scheduled tribes are the communities that are officially designated as the most disadvantaged socio-economic groups in India.

The proposed delimitation has been done based on the 2001 census. Many claim that it has been done purposely to exclude the Muslim population, which has increased from 29 percent in 2001 to 34 percent in 2011 in the state.

According to the 2011 census, Assam's population is recorded at over 31,205,000. Among them, Hindus account for about 19,180,000 (61.47 percent), while Muslims make up roughly 10,679,000 (34.22 percent). The state has a long-standing history of controversies surrounding population, religion and citizenship tensions.

In the 1980s, the student-led “Assam Movement” (anti-foreigners agitation) tried to identify “illegal foreigners” in Assam and exclude them from electoral roles. Numerous Indigenous organizations in Assam assert that there has been an unlawful influx of individuals from Bangladesh seeking a better life. In response to these concerns, the Hindu nationalist BJP, upon assuming power in 2016, initiated the National Register of Citizens (NRC) in Assam. The final draft of the NRC resulted in 1.9 million people in Assam being excluded, triggering a significant citizenship crisis and dilemma.

Effect on the opposition and various stakeholders

According to reports, Muslims will likely suffer the most from this delimitation. The AIUDF says the draft proposal reduces the number of Muslim-majority seats to 22, which is seven less than the earlier 29 seats. Out of those 29 seats, three Muslim majority seats are being reserved for candidates from scheduled castes and scheduled tribes.

The AIUDF has threatened to move to court if the proposal is not discarded. Meanwhile, the Assam Jatiya Parishad from the united opposition filed a lawsuit opposing the delimitation on July 4, 2023.

Journalist Rokibuz Zaman tweeted:

Many Muslim-majority assembly seats have been abolished and three Muslim-majority seats have been reserved for SC and ST
Those seats be either merged or subsumed under other newly-created seats-many of them with significant Hindu populations @scroll_in https://t.co/BEzpUEznGH

— Rokibuz Zaman (@ROKIBUZZAMAN2) June 27, 2023

The Tribal People’s Confederation, Assam (TPCA), a newly-formed tribal body in the state, has expressed disagreement over the proposal and claimed that more seats need to be reserved for tribals.

The INC staged a massive protest in the town of Barpeta because two seats were eliminated in the undivided Barpeta district, which is a Muslim-majority district.

Mohammed Fujail Ahmed, the Vice chairman of the Assam Pradesh Kisan Congress, tweeted:

Against the proposal to cut two assembly constituencies of undivided Barpeta district in the Draft Delimitation Proposal published by the Election Commission, today the civil society of the district and Barpeta District Congress Committee organized a sit-in program in front of… pic.twitter.com/VCCttOc3O5

— Md. Fujail Ahmed (@MdFujailAhmed) June 30, 2023

However, the ruling BJP has welcomed the draft proposal. Assam’s chief minister Himanta Biswa Sarma said in a tweet that it reflects the sentiments of the indigenous people of Assam.

जननी जन्मभूमिश्च स्वर्गादपि गरीयसी

The draft delimitation published by ECI today stipulate that the current Jalukbari constituency, which I have represented since 2001, will no longer exist as it has been divided into three parts. I am feeling very saddened by this news.…

— Himanta Biswa Sarma (@himantabiswa) June 20, 2023

One's motherland is superior and more beloved than the heavens

Himanta Biswa Sarma said in a statement that if the draft proposal is implemented, the INC “will not be able to return” to power in the state soon. He has also said that the delimitation could do what the National Register of Citizens (NRC) and the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) could not — namely identify illegal citizens in Assam.

In the Barak Valley of Assam, the proposal has reduced the number of seats from 15 to 13, triggering widespread protests across the valley.

The Barak Democratic Front called for a 12-hour bandh (an event similar to a general strike) in the entire Barak valley on June 27th, backed by the Trinamool Congress and the INC.

Barak Valley has seen widespread protests & complete bandh today against losing two LACs due to #Delimitation. @BhupenKBorah@KamalakhyaMLA pic.twitter.com/dWJ8FsfK8F

— Assam Congress (@INCAssam) June 27, 2023

Susmita Dev, a member of the upper house of parliament and leader of the Trinamool Congress, tweeted:

This video is of Tarapur, Silchar, Assam where I live at 3.15 pm.

It’s a peaceful protest. Delimitation has reduced the total number of assembly seats in Barak Valley from 15 to 13 despite increase in population.

Some shops did open as Cachar BJP had to please their master ! pic.twitter.com/YF1g3RIFQx

— Sushmita Dev সুস্মিতা দেব (@SushmitaDevAITC) June 27, 2023

The protests have also touched upper Assam, which has a large number of Indigenous people. Akhil Gogoi, the leader of the Raijor Dol, has said that it will cause severe harm to Indigenous people.

Lurinjyoti Gogoi, the president of the Assam Jatiya Parishad, joined the united opposition parties in Sivsagar and pledged to protest against the move.

Written by GV South Asia

Originally published on Global Voices

Screenshot from the official trailer of the movie “The Kerala Story” by Sunshine Pictures. Fair use.

Amid the Karnataka Legislative Assembly Election, “The Kerala Story,” a Hindi language film centred on the Indian state of Kerala, premiered on May 5. Directed by Sudipto Sen, this Bollywood movie explores the controversial notion of “love jihad” — a conspiracy theory propagated by right-wing Hindutva groups which claim Muslim men romantically target Hindu women to try and convert them. Following its release, the film quickly generated widespread controversy nationwide, with numerous critics accusing it of fostering hatred towards Muslims and perpetuating Islamophobia.

ISIS and ‘Love Jihad’

The movie film revolves around the story of three young women from different regions of Kerala who are studying nursing. These women convert to Islam and subsequently become radicalized, eventually joining the Islamic State (ISIS). Among them are a Hindu, a Christian, and a communist girl who initially shared their room with a girl named Asifa. However, it is revealed later in the movie that Asifa is an agent of ISIS. According to the film's narrative, Asifa is assigned to brainwash/influence non-Muslim girls and employs two young Muslim men to form romantic relationships with them. Eventually, these men convince the girls to convert to Islam and become fighters for ISIS, and then they are taken to Syria, where they become sex slaves.

The movie asserts that approximately 32,000 non-Muslim girls have so far been converted to Islam by means of Love jihad. Bollywood Actress Adah Sharma stars as Shalini Unnikrishnan, also known as Fatima, who recounts this story from a prison in Afghanistan, where she is held as an ISIS prisoner/fighter.

The movie sparked controversies well before its release, particularly in November 2022. During that time, a teaser for the film was unveiled, making the claim that, so far, approximately 32,000 girls had been abducted and converted to Islam to join ISIS. However, the movie fails to substantiate this figure, and in the latest teaser, the number is no longer mentioned. It is important to note that the claim of 32,000 is inaccurate and greatly exaggerated. In reality, it refers to the story of 25 girls who were radicalized and joined ISIS back in 2016.

Journalist Mohammed Zubair tweeted:

A MUST WATCH: A very well researched video based on available facts by @dhruv_rathee bursting the fake claims of the Propaganda movie ‘The Kerala Story’. Do watch and share the full video available on YouTube. https://t.co/0IdOzLUjK0 pic.twitter.com/y8sqEiIYy3

— Mohammed Zubair (@zoo_bear) May 11, 2023

The film's release coincided with the much anticipated Karnataka Legislative Assembly Election on May 10. Many suggested the movie was released intentionally at this time to polarise the votes in the politically significant state of Karnataka. However, this strategy apparently did not yield the desired results for the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), as it lost in the Karnataka state election. It is worth noting that India’s prime minister and BJP leader Narendra Modi had also praised the movie at an election rally despite its misinformation.

K.T. Rama Rao, who is a cabinet minister of Telangana, posted on Twitter

Just the way Kerala Story failed to amuse people of Karnataka, similarly Karnataka election results will have NO bearing on Telangana

Thanks to the people of Karnataka for rejecting ugly & divisive politics

Let Hyderabad and Bengaluru compete healthily for investments &…

— KTR (@KTRBRS) May 13, 2023

Following its release, there was a widespread call from political leaders and governments to ban the movie. The West Bengal government led by Mamta Banerjee banned the movie in the state to maintain law and peace. However, the matter is still being weighed in court, and a final verdict is pending. Similarly, the Tamil Nadu government has also banned the movie within the state.

The movie has been endorsed widely by right-wing Hindu groups, political parties, and even prominent politicians affiliated with the ruling BJP in India. BJP-ruled Indian states Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Haryana, and Uttarakhand have declared the movie tax-free in their respective states.

In the northeast Indian state of Assam, The chief minister Himanta Biswa Sarma watched the movie along with all cabinet ministers and MLAs in the theatre. Furthermore, he encouraged all parents to watch the film together with their daughters.

In an op-ed on ForwardPress.in, expat Indian Neeraj Bunkar calls the movie “emotionally exploitative — with little respect for facts”:

The film employs content, tropes, mise-en-scene, and background score to sensationalize a particular issue and promote the agenda of mobilizing the majority. This approach is being utilized by right-wing organizations and parties in power to expand their presence.

Written by GV South Asia

Originally published on Global Voices

Chakma children in Rangamati, Bangladesh. Image via Flickr by Mohammad Tauheed. CC BY-NC 2.0.

Bangladesh is home to more than 50 ethnic and indigenous tribes (Adivasis) speaking at least 35 different languages. On July 19, 2022, the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting issued a directive to 35 TV channels asking them not to use the word “Adivasi” (Indigenous people), referring to a provision of the 15th amendment of the constitution.

The ministry issued the directive citing a letter issued by the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI) and urged all potential speakers — academics, experts, journalists and other civil society members who may participate in talk shows and other programs on television channels marking the International Day of the World's Indigenous Peoples on August 9 to promote the constitutional obligation not to use the word Adivasi when referring to ethnic tribes.

What’s in a name?

The 15th amendment of the Bangladesh Constitution promulgated on June 30, 2011, included a new section highlighting the need to protect the culture and heritage of the Adivasis (indigenous people). However, it referred to the indigenous tribes as “upa-jati” (tribal), “khudro nrigoshthi’”(small ethnic group), “khudro-shomprodai” (small community), and “khudro-jatishotta” (small nation/people). In an interview, the then State Minister for Cultural Affairs Promod Mankin mentioned that the government is reluctant to recognise the Adivasi identity as it questions the ethnicity of the country's native Bengalis.

As per the 2022 Census, Bangladesh has a population of 165 million people, out of which only 1 percent belong to ethnic minority groups and an overwhelming majority of over 98 percent are Bengalis. Some Bangladeshis also endorse the government’s position highlighting that many of these tribes are not native people and are settlers; however, they want them to also have equal freedom and rights as Bengalis.

The doctrine comes from monolithic nationalism and an identity defined by the policies and the position of the state. However, for some time now, some groups of ethnic minorities in the country are demanding recognition as Adivasis.

Condemnation of the directive

When the July 19 directive became viral on social media, a renewed debate on this issue ensued. Many rights activists, educators, researchers and members of the ethnic communities protested the directive.

Deepayan Khisa, the Information and Publicity Secretary of Adivasi Forum, told the media that the notification is a gross violation of the freedom of expression of the ethnic identity and thereby interferes with the freedom of the media.

International Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) Commission has expressed shock and called this directive “very undemocratic and derogatory to the indigenous peoples.”

Journalist AHM Faruk wrote on Facebook:

বাংলাদেশে আদিবাসী যদি না থাকে, তবে সরকারকে আগে আদিবাসী বিষয়ক সংসদীয় ককাস, বাংলাদেশ আদিবাসী ফোরাম ইত্যাদি নামক ব্যবসায়ী প্রতিষ্ঠান ও সংগঠনগুলো নিষিদ্ধ করতে হবে এবং এমপি মন্ত্রীদের আদিবাসী শব্দ প্রয়োগ বন্ধ করতে হবে। তখন এই প্রজ্ঞাপন সার্থক হবে।

If there are no Adivasis in Bangladesh, then the government should first ban the business organizations and organizations like the Parliamentary Caucus on Indigenous Affairs, Bangladesh Adivasi Forum etc. and the government officials including the members of parliament should stop using the word “Adivasi”. Then this directive will make sense.

In fact, in December 2019, the NGO affairs bureau of the government sent a letter to six NGOs that have Adivasi in their names asking them to change their names.

At the yearly Chakma festival of Kotheen Chibor Daan. Image via Flickr by Mohammad Tauheed. CC BY-NC 2.0.

S Bikash Chakma mentioned in a video on Facebook that he is saddened by the directive by the government:

আমি একজন আদিবাসী এটা নিয়ে আমার কোন সন্দেহ নেই। কিন্তু আপনারা জোর করে আমাকে অন্য পরিচয়ে পরিচিত করতে চাইছেন কেন?

I am an Adivasi – no doubt about it. But why do you want to establish by force that I belong to another identity?

Writer Ahmed Aman highlights from the 15th amendment of the constitution:

“আদিবাসী” শব্দের পরিবর্তে সেখানে উপজাতি, ক্ষুদ্র জাতিসত্তা এবং নৃ-গোষ্ঠী শব্দ তিনটি যোগ করা হয়েছে। কিন্তু সংবিধানের কোথাও এটা উল্লেখ করা হয়েছে কি যে, এখন থেকে আর “আদিবাসী” শব্দ ব্যবহার করা যাবে না, করলে সেটা সংবিধান অবমাননা কিংবা রাষ্ট্রদ্রোহিতা বলে গণ্য করা হবে? বিষয়টি পরিস্কার না করা পর্যন্ত টকশো কিংবা প্রিন্ট ও ইলেকট্রনিক মিডিয়ায় “আদিবাসী” শব্দ ব্যবহার না করার নির্দেশ দেওয়াটা কতটা যুক্তিযুক্ত?

Replacing the word “Adivasi”, three words have been added [in the constitution]: tribe, minority ethnic clans and ethnic group. But is it mentioned anywhere in the constitution that the word Adivasi can no longer be used? If mentioned, will it be considered contempt of the constitution or treason? How reasonable is it to order not to use the word Adivasi (indigenous) in talk shows or in print and electronic media until the issue is resolved?

Journalist Arafatul Islam writes in Deutsche Welle Bengali:

আদিবাসী, উপজাতি বা ক্ষুদ্র নৃগোষ্ঠী – যেটাই বলা হোক না কেন, এ সব গোষ্ঠীকে বাংলাদেশ রাষ্ট্র একটি অধিকার সুনির্দিষ্টভাবেই দিচ্ছে৷ এঁরা সরকারি বিশ্ববিদ‍্যালয়ে এবং সরকারি চাকুরির ক্ষেত্রে কোটা সুবিধা পান৷ এই সুবিধা তাঁদের উন্নতির পথে সহায়তা করছে৷ তবে তা পর্যাপ্ত নয়৷

Indigenous people, tribes or ethnic minority groups – in whatever name they are called, the Bangladesh state gives specific rights to all these groups. They get privileged quota benefits to get enrolled in government universities and government jobs. These facilities are helping them progress, but it is not enough.

Samudoy Chakma from Rangamati wrote on Facebook:

We have been fighting for our identity as “Indigenous” from the beginning. They call us “upojati” (tribes) which includes nothing but an insult to us.[..]

We are an Indigenous community in Bangladesh. We have our languages, we have our own culture, and we have our traditions.

August 9 is the “International Indigenous Day”. I'm Marma from Bangladesh. I belong to the Indigenous community.

Written by GV South Asia

Originally published on Global Voices

A volunteer conducting thermal screening of the voters at a polling booth during the first phase of the Assam elections at Kaliabhomora, Tezpur district, on March 27, 2021. Image by Election Commission of India via Wikimedia. Government Open Data License – India (GODL).

The recently concluded state legislative elections in India's Assam state were one of the most contested in decades, with exit polls unable to predict a likely winner before they are officially called on May 2.

The Indian National Congress (INC) ruled Assam's legislative assembly from 1951 to 2016 when control switched to Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Assam's politics usually influence other northeastern Indian states and, as a border state, also plays a key role in India's relations with neighbouring countries.

This year's vote, which took place in three phases starting on March 27, was marked by deep polarization along religious lines, with hashtags such as #AssamUnderMughalsAttack, in reference to the Muslim rulers of medieval India, fueling online misinformation.

The INC led the election's liberal front with the largest coalition, which included the All India United Democratic Front, the Bodoland People's Front, the Rashtriya Janata Dal, and India's three communist parties. A major feat of the “Grand Alliance,” as it's called, was uniting the Muslim vote, which in the past has split between the INC and All India United Democratic Front. Over 30 percent of Assam's population is Muslim.

Two new regional parties contested the elections, the Assam Jatiya Parishad and the Raijor Dol, both inspired by Assamese nationalism and a liberal or secular view. The former had active support from the All Assam Students Union, which is the most influential student organization of the state, while the latter was backed by peasant and indigenous organizations. The two parties are running as a coalition.

Besides promising to create 500,000 government jobs, the INC's main pledge is to create a state law “to nullify” the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), a controversial 2019 Indian law that bans Muslims but allows Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains, Parsis or Christians in neighbouring countries to seek Indian citizenship.

The 2019 update of the National Register of Citizens (NRC), a national database with names and relevant information of all Indian citizens can leave 1.9 million Assamese stateless. In order to be included in the NRC, citizens must prove that they or their ancestors were born in India before 1971, but many don't have such documentation. If CAA comes into play, then a large portion of these stateless people who are non-Muslims technically can get Indian citizenship and many Assamese are opposing that.

Assam has a large Bengali population, who are mostly Muslim and are commonly mislabelled as Bangladeshi migrants.

The Assam Jatiya Parishad and the Raijor Dol also played on anti-CAA sentiment while condemning the BJP for fueling division.

Meanwhile, the BJP alleges the INC is trying to “destroy Assam” by allying with Muslim leader Maulana Badruddin Ajmal, of the All India United Democratic Front.

A viral video depicted the statement of senior BJP leader and influential state minister in Assam Himanta Biswa Sharma that the elections would be a “war of civilizations,” presumably meaning Hindus and Muslims.

The BJP also promised to cancel 1.6 billion USD of debt owed by millions of Assamese women to microfinance institutions. The ruling party also showcased the infrastructure projects it launched during its tenure of Assam's legislature.

With only a few days left for the counting of polls, hopes are high for both the major alliances for a victory.

Written by GV South Asia

Originally published on Global Voices

Lahore University of Management Sciences (LUMS) students listening to a talk. Image from Flickr by Rehman Chughtai. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0.

The cancellation of a five-day online conference commemorating the 50th anniversary of the Bangladesh War of Liberation organised by two Pakistani institutions has sparked widespread criticism by scholars and academics.

The conference “War, Violence and Memory: Commemorating 50 Years of the 1971 War” organised by Lahore University of Management Sciences (LUMS) School of Humanities and Social Sciences, and the National Institute of Pakistan Studies (NIPS)  at Quaid-i-Azam University Islamabad was scheduled to take place from 23-27 March to mark the 50th anniversary of the creation of the nation of Bangladesh. No reason was given for the cancellation.

Professor Ali Usman Qasmi had announced the details of the event on Twitter on March 19:

The School of Humanities and Social Sciences, LUMS, in collaboration with the National Institute of Pakistan Studies (NIPS), Quaid-i-Azam University, is organizing an online conference to commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of the Bangladesh War of Liberation. Here's the schedule: pic.twitter.com/oOqRN1SUgA

— Ali Usman Qasmi (@AU_Qasmi) March 19, 2021

According to the Professor, the conference's aim was:

“. . . to gather academics and non-academic voices on one platform to showcase emerging research and critical approaches that can enhance our understanding of the 1971 conflict. The conference will cover the political history of East Pakistan between 1947-71, the democratic struggle for rights, and the genocidal military operation that resulted in mass displacement and massacres.”

Jibran Nasir, a lawyer and activist tweeted his appreciation of the event:

#LitmusTest. All the best for the conference. We cannot carve the way for a just fair and progressive political future without objectively engaging with our past. https://t.co/aG6xsZThzL

— M. Jibran Nasir (@MJibranNasir) March 19, 2021

Journalist Ejaz Haider, however, accused the organisers of emphasising historical events rather than addressing present-day issues such as India's abuses in Kashmir:

just when #India is killing #Muslims and oppressing #Kashmiris, intellectuals in #Pakistan are doing a 50-year commemoration of #EastPakistan. #Pakistan has the worst #intellectuals on earth.

— EH (@ejazhaider) March 19, 2021

Haider's opinion, however, was challenged by others who were interested in the event. Then on March 20, tweets about the cancellation of the event started appearing, though there was no announcement on any of LUMS’ platforms. The hashtag #LUMS went viral and people began weighing in with their opinions on the cancellation.

Journalist Raza Rumi was:

Appalled at #LUMS cancelling an important conference on #1971 — no break from the erasure of memory & history. No country can succeed without introspection, learning from past mistakes & healing. Also worrying that if LUMS has no academic freedom then let’s forget about the others. pic.twitter.com/mr0yMGdrPV

— Raza Ahmad Rumi (@Razarumi) March 20, 2021

Hassan Javid, professor of politics and sociology at LUMS, said in a thread on Twitter that concerns had been raised over scheduling the conference to begin on March 23, the date on which Pakistan became a republic:

5. Rather than seeing 23 March as yet another opportunity to indulge in unbridled jingoism, it might make sense to reflect on whether the state has learnt any lessons from the factors that led to the independence of Bangladesh in 1971.

— Hassan Javid (@HassanJavid_) March 20, 2021

Republic Day—also called Pakistan Day—is celebrated annually in Pakistan and commemorates the passage of the Lahore Resolution on March 23 1940, and the adoption of the constitution on March 23 1956 that made Pakistan the world's first Islamic Republic. March 23 a usually marked by a Joint Services (JS) parade, which was postponed this year to March 25  due to inclement weather.

Some people even speculated that the event had been called off because the state and establishment were afraid of looking back at history.

Anas Tipu, a digital marketer, quipped:

dartay hain wardi wale aik zoom conference se .#LUMS

— anastipu (@teepusahab) March 21, 2021

People in uniform are scared of a zoom conference.

There is a persistent and long-standing narrative in Pakistan denying the atrocities committed by its army during the liberation war of Bangladesh in 1971. Pakistan is yet to extend to Bangladesh an official apology for the atrocities, though former Pakistan President General Pervaiz Musharaf did express regret for what had happened during a visit to Dhaka in 2002.

Shrinking spaces

This is not the first time that an event in the academic arena has been called off, and some Pakistanis believe that the space for intellectual discussions has been shrinking over the past few years.

In April 2015, LUMS cancelled a talk by Baloch Activist Mama Qadeer titled “Un-silencing Balochistan,” ostensibly on orders from the government. Some days later, human rights activist Sabeen Mahmud was killed in Karachi after a talk titled “Unsilencing Balochistan Take 2: In Conversation with Mama Qadeer, Farzana Baloch and Mir Mohammad Ali Talpur” had taken place in Mahmud's community space, The Second Floor.

Last time LUMS buckled, someone got killed https://t.co/VXHI5GsYft

— Mohammed Hanif (@mohammedhanif) March 20, 2021

In 2019, the Saadat Hasaan Manto Festival in Lahore was postponed after religious extremists claimed that the celebrated author's works promote vulgarity. More recently, another talk on Balochistan was cancelled at Sindh Literature Festival 2021.

Written by GV South Asia

Originally published on Global Voices

Disha Ravi in a protest. Screenshot from YouTube Video by Mojo Story.

The arrest of 22-year-old Indian climate activist Disha Ravi in Delhi over her alleged involvement with a “protest toolkit” has drawn widespread criticism in India and worldwide.

A student in Mount Carmel College in Bengaluru, Ravi is the founder of the Indian branch of Fridays For Future, a climate movement started by Swedish activist Greta Thunberg.

Ravi was arrested on February 13 in connection with a viral online document that lists resources for activists and sympathizers looking to support the months-long farmers’ protests in India. The activist was charged with sedition and criminal conspiracy and was remanded to five-day custody.

Hundreds of thousands of Indian farmers have been protesting against liberalizing agriculture reforms since October 2020, and authorities have cracked down on many perceived to support them. Dozens have been arrested, some of them charged with sedition — including journalists. Earlier this month, Twitter temporarily blocked over 250 accounts that allegedly expressed support to the farmers under a government request.

On February 4, Thunberg, along with other international personalities, tweeted in support of the Indian farmers. Later, the Swedish activist also shared the so-called “protest toolkit” (her original tweet has since been deleted).

The anonymous toolkit is an open text file with information about the protests and tips for organizing or supporting the farmers’ movement. The document briefly explains what the protests are about, lists relevant hashtags and the Twitter handles of Indian politicians, and provides links for petitions. The document's text has no calls for violent action.

Following Thunberg's tweet, Delhi police filed a First Information Report to investigate the document. The next day, crowds in Delhi held banners against an “international interference,” and photos of Thunberg and popstar Rihanna, who had also tweeted about the farmers’ protests, were set alight.

This week, police alleged that Ravi was one of the authors of the document, that the young activist had set up a WhatsApp group for others to collaborate on the text, and that she was the one who shared it with Thunberg. On Wednesday, in court, Ravi denied all accusations but admitted she had edited two lines of text on the document.

A joint statement by over 50 academics, artists and activists have called Ravi's arrest “disturbing,” “illegal in nature” and an “over-reaction of the state.” The #IndiabeingSilenced hashtag has trended on Twitter since the weekend.

Many have taken to social media to criticize the police, such as Siddharth Varadarajan, an editor at The Wire:

The @DelhiPolice chief should hang his head in shame for #DishaRavi‘s arrest, as should @DrSJaishankar & colleagues for contributing to hysteria over the toolkit. If these clever men see sedition in it, they aren't fit to hold public office in a democracy. https://t.co/507BEtzXpt

— Siddharth (@svaradarajan) February 15, 2021

And writer Danish Husain said:

Editing a google doc in support of farmers is an act of sedition in this country now. #LongLiveDemocracy #DishaRavi

— Danish Husain । دانش حُسین । दानिश हुसैन (@DanHusain) February 15, 2021

Indian-Canadian poet Rupi Kaur said:

disha ravi, a 21-year-old climate activist, has been arrested by delhi police for sharing a toolkit @GretaThunberg posted in support of the #farmersprotest.

disha’s arrest is alarming and the world needs to pay attention. #freedisharavihttps://t.co/IYGsLpNjwZ

— rupi kaur (@rupikaur_) February 14, 2021

Opposition politicians have also voiced concern, such as Chief Minister of Delhi and national convener of the Aam Aadmi Party, Arvind Kejriwal:

Arrest of 21 yr old Disha Ravi is an unprecedented attack on Democracy. Supporting our farmers is not a crime.

— Arvind Kejriwal (@ArvindKejriwal) February 15, 2021

Several pro-government politicians praised the police's action. The BJP MP and Home Minister of Haryana Anil Vij tweeted that “seeds of anti-nationalism… should be destroyed… whether Disha Ravi or anyone else.” Twitter deleted and then restored the tweet after concluding it didn't breach its rules on extreme speech.

Meanwhile, a non-bailable warrant has been issued on February 15 against activist-lawyer Nikita Jacob also alleging her involvement in the creation and sharing of the “toolkit”.

Written by GV South Asia

Police in Kashmir confronting violent protesters in December 2018. Image by Seyyed Sajed Hassan Razavi, Tasnim News Agency via Wikimedia Commons. CC BY 4.0.

This story is by Kabir, a writer based in Kashmir. Check out Global Voices’ special coverage “Inside Kashmir's Crisis”.

Over the months leading up to August 2019, Kashmir had been in the news for a variety of reasons — political, human rights violations, and the often-peddled India-Pakistan rhetoric.

But August was different. The massive build-up of troops was ominous, and indicated that India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi was planning something big and horrendous in the valley, which both India and Pakistan claim in its entirety. The urgent circulars to armed forces and government offices sent Kashmir residents into a tailspin of fear and chaos, while mainland Indians on pilgrimage or tours were asked to leave the valley immediately.

Everyone tried second-guessing the outcome, to no avail. Doomsday scenarios were whispered in hushed tones as people began stocking up on essentials.

On the morning of August 5, 2019, everyone in Kashmir woke up to a complete blackout. There was no mobile or internet service. A shrill silence fell over the state as neighbours sat in silence.

Within a few hours, Prime Minister Modi announced the abrogation of Jammu and Kashmir’s special status, that the state would be divided into union territories, and also the changing of various state-specific laws.

We Kashmiris felt betrayed. But the decision was lauded in the Indian nationalist press, with publications such as Times Now and Republic calling it a brave decision.

Indigenous Kashmiris were under siege, with schools shut and hospitals out of reach amid a curfew. Reporting the on-the-ground realities — one of the cornerstones of journalism — was forgotten, as Indian media spent the first few days in celebration, and information filtered through them offered no crucial context for local Kashmiris.

We struggled to connect with our loved ones in different regions of the state and had no clue about major political and social developments. People travelled for miles in the searing heat, spending large sums of money just to access healthcare with no respite whatsoever.

The observances for the Islamic festival of Eid on August 12 were muted. We did not celebrate, merely offering prayers in the morning as dictated by religious practice. For the children there were no toys or sweets, as we were barely surviving on the bare essentials.

As is the case with any sort of curb on freedoms, people were impacted heavily both emotionally and physically, and started buying food and other essentials at highly inflated prices despite financial constraints. In times of crisis, even basic survival seems like an uphill task.

Barbed-wire in front of government houses and bridges. Image by Fatima Jahan. Used with permission.

Grief

Every street was filled with fear and grief. Nobody was aware of the happenings in other households, not to mention happenings around the world. People who were believed to have any semblance of political affiliation were caged and transported to jails outside the state.

Kashmir — already the largest militarized zone on earth — was converted into a garrison of forces. The extraordinary situation worsened the health of my mother, who has been on medication for diabetes. Lack of medicine and transportation made matters worse, and we had to seek help from a kind local man who dropped us at the hospital gates in Srinagar.

We were handed prescriptions and a limited quantity of medicine, as the doctors said medicines had to be rationed so that there would be enough for everyone in the event of a further crisis. We also failed to procure the medicine from local pharmacies, and after walking for over seven miles my mother’s feet were swollen, bringing alive my worst fears about her frail health.

Even my sister, who suffers from cardiac issues, could not access healthcare for months, and we could not contact an ambulance or a private vehicle for emergencies. It was the darkest phase of our lives. To overcome anxiety and depression, my father started smoking heavily, while I dived into the world of books to keep the stress at bay, but with minimal success.

One morning, as I pored over Fyodor Dostoevsky’s “Crime and Punishment”, a friend walked in with grim and heart-breaking news: a childhood friend who had been dealing with a chronic illness had died. One of my dearest school friends, though I had lost touch with her. The news shook me. The internet is crucial — phones in the 21st century are nothing without internet connectivity. And lives are lost and connections temporarily severed whenever there's an internet shutdown.

Not believing the news, I kept restlessly looking at my phone, hoping there would be a signal, even for a split second, that would allow me to talk to her. The panic only worsened my feelings of helplessness and isolation. Eventually, I decided to seek help and confided in a friend about my paranoia, and we decided to walk in the blistering heat to my friend’s house, as all modes of transport had stopped running.

We walked for hours in the humidity. Upon reaching her house, we were informed of her death. I crumpled to the floor as the memories hit me, and the human cost of a political mess became even clear.

I kept dreaming about her life and was sleepless for over two months. Then I collected myself and mustered the courage to seek mental health counselling. It helped a bit, but when you find yourself in a loop of unending tragedy, nothing ever remains the same — ever.

The impact of Modi’s decision is clear. The blackout has alienated Kashmiris even further, in their hearts and their minds alike. There is no other way to look at it.

The removal of Article 370 may or may not impact the people of the Kashmir valley, but the treatment meted out to us only reminds us about the brutal occupation of our land. The cruelty inflicted on us has resulted in far worse human tragedies. But these things refuse to leave our minds and will only strengthen our desire for an independent land.

Check out Global Voices’ special coverage The Kashmiri People Versus the Indian State.

Written by GV South Asia

Originally published on Global Voices

Agni Prasad Sapkota. Screenshot from Youtube video by Nepal News

In Nepal, top politicians have become highly skilled at escaping justice: nothing exemplifies this better than the fact that the post of Speaker of the House of Representatives is now occupied by a candidate accused of murder, as Agni Prasad Sapkota replaced the former speaker – himself accused of rape – on the 26th of January. Fourteen years after Nepal ended a decade-long civil war, access to justice for the majority of the conflict's victims looks impossible.

Outrage in the human rights community

For over a decade, human rights groups have pushed for Sapkota, a presently standing committee member of the ruling Nepal Communist Party (NCP) to face an independent investigation to be led by Nepal's Supreme Court for the ongoing murder case pending against him in relation to the death of Arjun Lama, a school principal.

But despite the gravity of the accusation, Sapkota has continued to rise within his party. On 26 January 2020, he was elected as Speaker of the House of Representatives, delivering a massive blow to the prospect of justice and truth promised to the country’s thousands of human rights victims and human rights watchdogs.

With the election of Agni Sapkota as Speaker, Nepal essentially gives two middle fingers to human rights groups and victims of Maoist conflict https://t.co/iCuUM3jsg3

— Anup Kaphle (@AnupKaphle) January 26, 2020

This move indeed ignored the joint statement issued on 25 January by Amnesty International, The International Commission of Jurists (ICJ), Human Rights Watch and TRIAL International urging the ruling Nepal Communist Party (NCP) to reconsider their nomination of Sapkota until a thorough and independent investigation would be completed.

On January 27, the day following Sapkota's appointment, the police arrested more than a dozen activists including members and staff of Amnesty International Nepal. They were eventually released later that day.

Our colleagues in Nepal, including Amnesty Nepal Director and two former board members, were arrested during a protest against the appointment of Agni Sapkota as Speaker of the Federal Parliament.

Peaceful protest is not a crime.https://t.co/zwQxnffNsn

— Amnesty International (@amnesty) January 27, 2020

The infamous case of Arjun Lama

Sapkota stands accused of ordering the abduction and murder of Arjun Lama, a principal at a local school in June 2005. At the time, Sapkota was a member of the Standing Committee of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre) led by Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’, the man regarded as having initiated the civil war, and a key figure in Nepali politics.

Having served twice as Prime Minister, Prachanda is now the co-chairman of Nepal's ruling party, the Nepal Communist Party, that strongly advocated for the election of Sapkota. It seems that Sapkota has indeed been the protege of Prachanda: despite complaints lodged by the human rights community, he was able to lead a successful political career, serving as Minister of Information and Communications (2011) and later as Minister of Forests and Soil Conservation (2015-2016).

But life has been a nightmare for Arjun Lama's widow, Purnimaya Lama: since 2005, she has been struggling to understand what happened to her husband. It is only with the backing of local and international human rights organizations, along with an order of the Supreme Court that she was able to pressure the police in the district where her husband was taken to register a First Information Report (FIR), which finally happened in August 2008. At this point, her husband had already been missing for three years.

To add insult to injury, the case of Arjun Lama was again stalled, during the speaker election, allowing Sapkota to ascend to his new position, much to the cries of human rights groups:

Election of Agni Sapkota as parliament speaker in Nepal shows why a credible transitional justice process is necessary in Nepal. Nine years later, our message is still the same: https://t.co/o5Awk6Lidk

— UN Human Rights (@UNHumanRights) January 28, 2020

According to Amnesty International Nepal, the next hearing is set to take place in February 2020.

A rabid culture of impunity

Although the media spotlight is on him, Sapkota is just a cog in a system made of people with equally dubious human rights records.

From the rape-accused former Speaker of Parliament, Krishna Bahadur to Prachanda's flippantly provocative statements and pressure on competent women to resign, it is clear that Nepal's top politicians are further entrenching a culture of impunity to their benefit.

Indeed, Prachanda announced in a tweet that he was willing to take responsibility for 5000 deaths out of 12,000. This comes after his comment last year, where he challenged his detractors to take him to to the International Criminal Court in the Hague, from where he provocatively stated he would return as ‘a hero.’

And because Sapkota was Prachanda's choice for speaker, this meant that one of the country's prime contenders, Shiva Maya Tumbahamphe, a woman from the same party as Sapkota albeit a formerly separate faction (CPN-UML), was forced to resign, leaving the way for Sapkota to win unopposed. This is a reminder that in Nepal, patriarchy trumps competence: 

Once again, leaders at CPN have proved that they are just here for their party and not the country. Agni Sapkota, a man charged with murder, has been proposed for the speaker. An insult to conflict victims and an insult to women. #Nepal https://t.co/vqlJ9JcrrK

— Subina Shrestha (@ShresthaSubina) January 19, 2020

Disheartening as it may be, the reality of a pervasive culture of impunity can no longer be contested. Although the Maoists signed the 2006 comprehensive peace plan containing a critical provision to investigate their share of extrajudicial killings, that promise more than ever seems disingenuous. Indeed, it took eight long years for two commissions – the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), and the Commission of Inquiry on the Disappearance of Persons (COID) to be established in 2015. Prior to that, the government passed in 2013 an ordinance that sought to provide the commissions with broad-ranging discretionary powers to recommend amnesties for perpetrators of serious human rights violations.

Despite being struck down by the Supreme court for being illegal and in violation of international standards, the final text that established the two commissions nevertheless reinstated very similar provisions. And making matters worse, behind closed doors, the two political parties are the ones appointing their own commissioners. 

Nepal's Forgotten Victims

The disregard for victims of this violent conflict is painfully clear in the words of this human rights activist.

There is no witness protection policy. It is clearly a perpetrator-led process that serves the interests of the perpetrators, not the victims.

For the thousands of victims of Nepal's war who have been struggling for truth and justice for their families and loved ones, the future is bleak.

As of today, Purnimaya Lama, portrayed in this video, still does not know what happened to her husband or why, and where his body is:

And it looks like she never will.

Written by GV South Asia